LIBRARY 

'llniwsity  of  California 

IRVINE^ 


STATUE  OF   JOGUES,   AT    DUNWOODIE. 


PIONEER  PRIESTS 

.-— — 

OF 

NORTH  AMERICA 

1642-171JL 

ft^BY  THE 

REV.  T.  J?*CAMPBELL,  S.J. 


FORDHAM   UNIVERSITY    PRESS, 
FORDHAM  UNIVERSITY, 
NEW   YORK. 
1908. 


F 
& 

c/r 


COPYRIGHT,  1908, 

BY  THE 

REV.  T.  J.  CAMPBELL,  S.J. 


As  all  of  the  priests  whose  work  is  here  described  labored  for 

a  long  time  in  what  is  now  New  York  territory,  this 

volume  is  properly  and  with  the  profoundest  respect 

DEDICATED 
TO 

His  GRACE,  THE  MOST  REVEREND  JOHN  M.  FARLEY,  D.D., 
ARCHBISHOP  OF  NEW  YORK. 


fUbil  ©bstat 


REMIGIUS  LAFORT,  S.T.L., 

Censor  Deputatus. 


Imprimatur 


JOHN  M.  FARLEY,  D.D., 

Archbishop   of  Neiv   York. 


CONTENTS. 

PAGE 

INTRODUCTION         ....... 

ISAAC  JOGUES   ........         l 

JOSEPH   BRESSANI  .......  12 

JOSEPH  PONCET         .         .         .         .         .         .         .61 

SIMON  LE  MOYNE         ......  75 

CLAUDE  DABLON       .         .         .         .         .         .         .101 

JOSEPH   CHAUMONOT     .         .         .         .         .         .         1:35 

PAUL  RAGUENEAU    .         .         .         .         .         .         .111 

RENE  MENARD      .         .         .         .         .         .         .         153 

JAMES  FREMIN          .......     172 

JAMES  BRUYAS      .......         190 

JOHN  PIERRON  .......     205 

JOHN  DE  LAMBERVILLE          .         .         .         .         .         22 G 

PETER  MILLET  .......     210 

STEPHEN  DE  CARHEIL   .         .         .         .         .         .         262 

PETER  RAFFEIX         .         .         .         .         .         .         .276 

FRANCIS  BONIFACE        .         .         .         .         .         .         285 

JAMES  DE  LAMBERVILLE    ......     298 

JULIEN  GARNIER   .         .         .         .         .         .         .         312 


ILLUSTRATIONS. 

Statue  of  Jogues,  at  Dunwoodie  Seminary  .     Frontispiece 

Orleans Facing  page       2 

Anne     of    Austria,     Queen     Regent    of 

France 30 

Lake  of  the  Blessed  Sacrament    .  "         "        34 

Isaac  Jogues,  SJ "                  38 

Governor  de  Montmagny  (Onontio)    .  42 

Pope  Innocent  X 54 

Mme.  de  la  Peltrie     ....  62 

Ven.  Marie  de  ITncarnation  ...  "         "        72 

Peter  Stuyvesant         ....  "        89 

As  Seen  by  Le  Moyne  ....  "         "        92 

The  Saguenay "      110 

The  Saguenay "         "115 

Loretto  in  Italy "      126 

Lorette  in  Canada      ....  "                137 

Paul  Ragueneau,  SJ MM      141 

Old  Quebec "                155 

Dieppe "      158 

Mgr.  Laval "      165 

Caughnawaga  Indians    ....  "      181 

Street  in  Caughnawaga      ...  "         "      187 

Lord  Bellomont "      203 

Rouen  (de  Lamberville's  Birthplace)   .  "         "      226 

Niagara "      251 

Bishop  de  Saint- Vallier     ...  "                280 

Sir  William  Johnson,  Bart          .         .  MM      395 

Tegakwitha   ....  MM      303 


INTRODUCTION. 

THE  PIONEERS. 

THE  Pioneer  Priests  whose  lives  are  sketched  in  this 
volume,  are  not  all  the  "  Pioneer  Priests  of  North 
America."  Only  those  have  been  chosen  who  had  to  do  with 
the  Iroquois  Indians.  The  reason  of  this  selection  is  that, 
although  nearly  all  of  the  missionaries  who  labored  among1 
those  savages  were  very  remarkable  men,  yet  they  are,  with 
one  or  two  exceptions,  practically  unknown.  It  is  true  that 
they  appear  at  intervals  in  the  general  history  of  the  period, 
but  that  is  not  sufficient  to  give  us  an  adequate  idea  of  their 
greatness.  Not  only  were  they  wonderful  apostlrs.  but 
some  of  them  were  conspicuous  figures  in  the  political 
events  of  the  colonies,  yet  even  their  names  are  r-o\v  for- 
gotten. The  desire  to  revive  the  memory  of  their  heroism 
and  holiness  is  the  motive  of  these  individual  studies  of 
their  lives.  The  chronological  order  has  been  followed,  as 
far  as  possible,  so  as  to  correspond  with  the  general  history 
of  the  missions. 

Their  work  began  in  1642,  when  Father  Jogues  was 
taken  prisoner  on  the  St.  Lawrence,  and  carried  down  to 
what  is  now  Auriesville,  on  the  Mohawk.  In  1044,  Father 
Bressani  was  captured  and  brought  to  the  same  place ;  as  was 
Father  Poncet,  in  1655.  The  two  latter  were  released,  after 
being  tortured,  but  Father  Jogues  was  put  to  death  there  in 
1646. 

In  1654,  Father  Le  Moyne  visited  the  Onondagas,  and 
in  1655,  Fathers  Dablon  and  Chaumonot  established  a  mis- 
sion near  the  present  site  of  Syracuse.  They  were  subse- 
quently joined  by  Fathers  Fremin,  Menard,  Ragueneau, 
and  Le  Mercier.  A  French  colony  was  also  attempted 
there,  but  to  avoid  a  general  massacre,  an  exodus  took  place 
on  the  night  of  March  20,  1658. 

In  1661,  a  deputation  of  Indians  was  sent  to  Montreal 
to  ask  for  the  return  of  the  Black  Gowns.  Le  Moyne  went 

ix 


INTRODUCTION. 

with  them  and  remained  a  year  among  the  Onondagas  and 
Cayugas,  but  on  the  outbreak  of  hostilities,  he  was  com- 
pelled to  withdraw. 

In  1667,  after  the  punitive  expedition  of  de  Tracy,  the 
missions  were  reorganized  by  Fathers  Fremin,  Bruyas,  de 
Carheil,  John  and  James  de  Lamberville,  Millet,  Raffeix,  de 
Gueslis,  Julien  Gamier,  Pierron  and  Boniface.  The  work 
was  continued  with  more  or  less  interruption  until  about 
1686,  when  the  impolitic  measures  of  the  Governors  of  Can- 
ada precipitated  a  war  and  ruined  the  missions.  These  nine- 
teen years  are  in  reality  the  only  time  in  which  it  was  pos- 
sible to  evangelize  the  New  York  Indians. 

It  was  not  until  1702  that  Bruyas  succeeded  in  inducing 
the  Iroquois  to  recall  the  priests.  Julien  Gamier  and  James 
de  Lamberville  went  down  a  second  time  among  them,  and 
were  assisted  by  Mareuil  and  d'Heu;  but  by  1709,  the 
English  had  succeeded  in  driving  them  out.  When  they 
came  back,  it  was  usually  in  the  disguise  of  Indians. 

Forty  years  afterwards,  the  Sulpitian  Picquet  established 
a  settlement  near  where  Ogdensburg  now  stands,  but  it  was 
destroyed  in  1760.  Meantime,  the  Scotch  Jesuit,  Mark 
Anthony  Gordon,  had  founded  St.  Regis,  on  what  is  now 
the  border  line  of  Canada  and  the  United  States.  It  still 
exists  as  a  Catholic  Reservation. 

THE  PLACE. 

A  very  remarkable  map  of  the  old  Iroquois  mission  sites 
was  published  in  1879  by  the  distinguished  cartographer, 
General  Clark,  who  in  the  following  year  began  a  series 
of  laborious  investigations  to  determine  the  exact  place 
where  the  first  missionary,  Father  Jogues,  met  his  death. 
He  fixed  it  beyond  any  possibility  of  doubt  at  what  is  now 
known  as  Auriesville.  Twenty-five  years  afterwards,  he 
affirmed  that  he  was  so  sure  of  the  identification  of  the  site 
that  he  felt  he  could  plant  his  spade  on  the  very  spot  where 
the  stake  was  fixed  which  held  the  head  of  Father  Jogues. 


INTRODUCTION. 

By  means  of  the  two  charts,  which  we  owe  to  him,  it  is  pos- 
sible to  follow  every  step  of  the  missionaries  in  their  apostolic 
journeys  from  the  Hudson  to  Lake  Erie.  The  name  of  every 
chapel  is  given,  along  with  the  date  of  its  erection ;  the  vari- 
ous trails  are  indicated,  and  every  creek,  and  river,  and  bay  is 
most  carefully  traced.  The  work  involved  must  have  been 
prodigious,  not  only  in  the  collating  of  the  old  manuscripts 
and  the  consultation  of  books,  but  in  the  years  of  field  work 
which  were  required  to  unearth  and  determine  the  remains 
of  the  aboriginal  villages.  General  Clark  has  put  all  students 
of  history  under  great  obligations  to  him ;  but  he  especially 
deserves  the  gratitude  of  American  Catholics. 

We  had  at  first  intended  to  add  these  two  maps  to  the 
present  volume,  but  as  the  work  of  the  Iroquois  missionaries 
extended  after  their  expulsion  from  New  York  far  up  into 
the  region  near  Hudson  Bay  and  westward  to  the  wilder- 
ness of  Michigan  and  Wisconsin,  it  will  be  necessary  in 
order  to  properly  appreciate  the  work  accomplished  to  have 
before  our  eyes  a  view  of  the  entire  territory.  We  are  thus 
obliged  to  refer  the  reader  to  the  general  atlas  of  North 
America. 

THE  PEOPLE. 

The  Iroquois  were  descendants  of  the  Indians  whom 
Jacques  Cartier  had  met  on  the  St.  Lawrence,  in  1634. 
How,  when,  or  why  they  drifted  down  to  New  York  is 
still  largely  a  matter  of  speculation.  They  gradually 
formed  into  five  distinct  tribes  or  nations.  They  were 
called  by  the  English,  Mohawks,  Oneidas,  Onondagas, 
Cayugas,  and  Senecas;  and  by  the  French,  Agniers, 
Onneyuts,  Onontagues,  Goyogouins,  and  Tsonnontouans ;  in 
their  own  language  they  were  the  Ganeagono,  or  People  of 
the  Flint;  Oneyotekeano ,  or  Granite  People;  Onundagono, 
or  Hill  People ;  Givengu'hehono,  or  Muck  Land  People,  and 
Nundawono,  or  Great  Hill  People.  The  localities  in  which 
they  lived  are  still  indicated  by  the  river  and  lakes  which 
bear  their  names. 

xi 


INTRODUCTION. 

Collectively  they  were  designated  by  the  French  as  "  The 
Iroquois;"  by  the  English,  as  "The  Five  Nations,"  while 
they  styled  themselves  the  'Hodenosaunee,  or  People  of  the 
Long  House,  because  of  the  shape  of  their  lodges.  The 
name  Iroquois  is  said  by  Charlevoix  to  have  been  given  to 
them  because  of  their  fashion  of  ending  their  discourses 
by  the  word  "  hero  "  or  "  hiro," — "  I  have  spoken,"  with 
the  suffix  "  que,"  or  something  equivalent  in  sound,  which 
was  uttered  as  a  sign  of  pleasure  or  pain ;  its  meaning  being 
determined  by  the  intonation.  The  Bureau  of  American 
Ethnology,  however,  derives  it  from  the  Algonquin  word 
Iriakhoiw,  which  means  "  real  adders."  They  were  joined 
by  the  Tuscaroras,  about  1722,  and  from  that  out  they  were 
called  by  the  English,  "  The  Six  Nations." 

When  Father  Jogues  was  among  them,  in  1646,  they 
claimed  the  territory  from  the  Hudson  to  the  Genesee,  but 
between  1650  and  1655,  they  drove  out  the  Eries  or  Cats, 
and  extended  their  domain  to  Lake  Erie.  They  were 
united  in  a  Confederacy  or  League,  whose  character  seems 
to  have  been  more  deliberative  than  executive,  as  separate 
tribes  or  families,  or  even  individuals,  could  go  to  war  when 
they  considered  themselves  aggrieved.  It  is  said  to  have 
been  formed  about  1570.  Its  central  seat  was  at  Onondaga. 

As  their  language  was  an  offshoot  of  the  Huron,  it  was 
possible  for  the  missionary  who  had  labored  in  Canada  to 
make  himself  more  or  less  intelligible  in  New  York.  Thus 
we  find  Le  Moyne  addressing  the  council  at  Onondaga  in 
Huron,  immediately  on  his  arrival.  They  were  not 
numerous  and  scarcely  ever  exceeded  sixteen  or  seventeen 
thousand.  La  Hontan's  estimate  of  seventy  thousand  is 
generally  regarded  as  absurd.  But  few  as  they  were  they 
struck  terror  into  the  Dutch,  French,  and  English,  as  well 
as  all  their  Indian  foes.  Dablon  was  in  dread  of  them, 
far  up  the  Saguenay;  they  organized  expeditions  against 
the  Illinois;  they  annihilated  the  Hurons  near  the  Great 
Lakes ;  and  went  to  war  with  the  Andastes  of  Pennsylvania, 

xii 


INTRODUCTION. 

and  the  Crees  of  Tennessee.  This  constant  warfare,  of 
course,  drained  their  strength,  and  disease  and  drunkenness 
helped  the  work  of  destruction ;  but  they  kept  up  their  num- 
bers by  adopting  many  of  the  captives  whom  they  had 
seized  in  their  raids. 

They  were  an  intelligent  race,  but  unfortunately  having 
determined  to  destroy  or  assimilate  all  the  other  nations, 
they  directed  all  their  energies  to  the  prosecution  of  war. 
They  knew  nothing  of  agriculture,  and  were  satisfied  with 
the  maize,  beans  and  squash  raised  by  their  squaws.  The 
mystery  of  well-digging  was  too  deep  for  them,  so  they  had 
to  keep  close  to  the  lakes  and  river  courses  to  live.  They 
have  left  no  pottery  of  any  value,  and  being  ignorant  of  the 
textile  arts,  made  their  clothing  of  the  skins  of  wild  beasts. 
They  lived  in  towns,  which  were  protected  by  two  or  three 
lines  of  palisades,  but  they  quickly  adopted,  in  their  rude 
fashion,  the  European  methods  of  defense.  Their  houses 
were  arched  constructions,  sometimes  120  feet  in  length, 
and  were  covered  with  bark,  and  shaped  something  like  a 
grape  arbor.  Of  course,  they  were  swarming  with  vermin 
and  reeking  with  disease.  They  were  divided  off  into  sec- 
tions or  stalls,  to  accommodate  the  several  families  that  oc- 
cupied them,  but  without  any  pretense  or  possibility  of  pri- 
vacy. The  fires  were  built  in  a  line  down  the  middle  of  the 
lodge,  and  the  smoke  escaped  from  the  top. 

Their  personal  habits  were  filthy  in  the  extreme.  Bru- 
yas  speaks  of  that  as  one  of  his  tortures.  They  ate  the 
most  disgusting  things,  and  boasted  of  their  prowess  in 
that  regard.  Yet,  though  voracious  gluttons,  they  starved 
uncomplainingly  when  food  was  lacking — which  was  often. 
They  knew  nothing  of  the  laws  of  health,  though  Lafitau 
tells  us  of  their  use  of  lotions  and  poultices,  and  attributes 
to  them  some  skill  in  setting  bones,  and  in  making  incisions 
with  their  stone  knives,  but  the  reader  of  the  Relations  will 
find  such  medical  treatment  rare.  Incantations  are  mostly  in 
evidence,  and  some  of  the  results  achieved  by  the  medicine- 

xiii 


INTRODUCTION. 

men,  as  well  as  some  of  their  predictions,  were  so  startling 
that  they  were  attributed  by  the  missionaries  to  diabolical 
intervention.  Mostly,  however,  their  sorcerers  were  ridic- 
ulous charlatans. 

Morally,  the  Iroquois  were  very  degraded,  and  the  abom- 
inations of  the  villages  are  only  hinted  at  in  the  Relations. 
They  were  thieves  and  gamblers,  of  course.  There  was  no 
reason  for  their  being  polygamists,  because  their  marriages, 
which  the  mothers  of  the  parties  concerned  generally  ar- 
ranged, could  be  broken  at  will.  The  women  were  corrupt 
from  girlhood,  and  after  a  few  years  became  degraded  and 
hideous  drudges.  At  times,  however,  they  were  consulted 
by  the  council,  and  in  certain  contingencies  could  nominate 
a  chief.  The  line  of  descent  was  always  reckoned  through 
them.  The  children  were  never  punished,  and  were  allowed 
to  grow  up  like  animals,  though  Gamier  tells  us  of  many 
of  his  Senecas  who  were  extremely  watchful  over  the 
morality  of  their  offspring. 

Their  cruelty,  which  was  fiendish  in  the  extreme,  was 
made  worse  by  an  affectation  of  tenderness  for  their  victim, 
even  while  they  were  burning  and  gashing  his  limbs,  or 
making  him  writhe  in  agony  at  the  stake.  It  is  not  gener- 
ally adverted  to,  that  they  were  atrocious  cannibals.  De 
Lamberville  informs  us  that  600  captives  were  killed  and 
'eaten  in  a  single  expedition  against  the  Illinois.  In  de 
Denonville's  attack  on  the  Senecas  the  Ottawas  are  credited 
with  digging  up  the  dead  and  devouring  them.  Even  little 
children  would  be  plucked  from  the  mother's  breast  and 
boiled  and  eaten.  Radisson  gives  us  some  details  which 
the  priests  do  not  dare  to  describe.  The  head  and  heart  of 
the  victim  was  the  portion  of  the  chief,  the  carcass  was 
tossed  to  the  crowd. 

They  had  a  very  vague  idea  of  a  Supreme  Deity.  Their 
chief  object  of  worship  was  Agreskoue,  the  God  of  War, 
who  is  often  confounded  or  synonymous  with  the  Sun. 
General  Clark  has  no  hesitation  in  describing  this  as  "  liter- 

•xiv 


INTRODUCTION. 

ally  devil  worship;  that  is  they  believed  first  in  a  good 
spirit,  who  favored  them  with  all  that  was  desirable ;  was  the 
author  and  preserver  of  their  lives,  &c.  Besides,  there  was 
another  character  who  was  in  all  things  antagonistic,  whom 
they  called  the  devil,  as  they  understood  it,  meaning  a  sor- 
cerer, bad,  wicked,  cunning,  who  demanded  sacrifice,  and 
to  whom  prisoners  were  sacrificed.  Governor  Golden  uses 
the  word  "  Satanas  "  to  describe  the  people  who  believed 
in  this  particular  character;  and  Megapolensis,  Van  der 
Donck  and  others  make  it  simply  devil,  and  devil  worship. 
When  Jogues  learned  of  the  character  of  this  worship  every 
fibre  of  his  being  revolted.  He  could  not  and  did  not  sub- 
mit to  the  requirements  demanded,  and  was  willing  to  abide 
the  consequences.  In  the  belief  of  the  younger  Mohawks, 
his  actions  in  prostrating  himself  before  the  cross,  in  bap- 
tizing persons  and  infants,  and  in  short,  all  his  movements, 
were  interpreted  as  the  acts  of  a  sorcerer,  antagonistic  to 
their  great  god  Aireskoue." 

No  more  valuable  testimony  than  this  could  be  had  as  to 
the  reason  why  Jogues  was  put  to  death,  and  why  the  other 
missionaries  encountered  such  opposition.  Their  adoration 
of  the  Great  Spirit,  as  now  practised,  and  which  is  sometimes 
adduced  as  proof  of  their  intelligence,  was  taught  to  them  as 
late  as  1669,  by  Father  Pierron,  and  was  subsequently 
adopted,  even  by  pagan  Indians.  They  had  nothing  cor- 
responding to  a  priesthood,  and  each  brave  had  his  oki  or 
manitou,  which  he  adopted  after  a  protracted  period  of  fast- 
ing and  seclusion.  Animate  or  inanimate  beings  might  be 
okis,  and  even  men  could  be  regarded  as  such.  Father 
Jogues  had  that  distinction.  Some  symbol  of  this  personal 
divinity  was  always  carefully  kept,  and  absolute  trust  was 
put  in  it  It  was  spoken  to  as  if  it  were  gifted  with  intel- 
ligence. What  rites  were  practiced  at  the  secret  meetings 
of  the  False  Faces  or  Masks  only  the  initiated  knew. 

All  these  horrible  propensities  were,  of  course,  more  un- 
restrained than  ever  when  the  Europeans  introduced  their 

xv 


INTRODUCTION. 

firewater.  The  scenes  that  occurred  when  men,  women  and 
children  were  wild  with  liquor,  the  missionaries  do  not  at- 
tempt to  describe  in  detail.  So,  also,  they  are  very  reserved 
in  speaking  of  the  dances,  incantations,  and  the  orgies  of  the 
dream-feasts,  and  the  like.  In  a  word,  the  Indian  was 
quite  the  reverse  of  the  "  noble  savage,"  such  as  the  novel- 
ists describe  him.  Though  intelligent,  he  was  commonly  a 
furious  and  degraded  creature,  sodden  with  every  kind  of 
vice.  Of  the  Iroquois,  especially,  Parkman  says :  "  No 
race  ever  offered  greater  difficulties  to  those  laboring  for  its 
improvement." 

Nevertheless,  the  impression  made  by  the  missionaries  on 
them  was  very  great  and  lasting.  Many  of  them  were  led 
to  the  practice  of  Christian  morality.  They  were  taught  to 
pray ;  to  practice  virtue,  to  receive  the  sacraments.  We  even 
hear  of  sodalities  among  them,  and  not  a  few  attained  to 
extraordinary  sanctity.  Constant  wars,  however,  prevented 
a  wider  spiritual  conquest;  and  when  the  wars  were  over 
there  were  no  Iroquois.  They  were  either  dead  or  driven 
to  the  Far  West. 

AUTHORITIES. 

The  Jesuit  Relations;  Rochemonteix,  S.J.,  Les  Jesuites  et 
la  Nouvelle  France;  Charlevoix,  S.J.,  La  Nouvelle  France; 
Documentary  History  of  the  State  of  New  York;  Morgan, 
The  League  of  the  Iroquois;  Winsor,  Narrative  and  Critical 
History  of  America;  Shea,  Colonial  Times;  Parkman,  The 
Jesuits  in  North  America;  Martin,  Chaumonot,  Jogues; 
Lindsay,  Notre  Dame  de  Lorette  et  La  Nouvelle  France; 
Chauchetiere,  La  Vie  de  la  B.  Catherine  Tegakoilita; 
Cholenec,  Vita  Catherines  Tegakwita,  M.S. ;  Harris,  History 
of  the  Early  Missons  in  Western  Canada;  Beach,  Indian 
Miscellanies;  Beauchamp,  Bulletin  of  N.  Y.  State  Museum; 
Hawley,  Early  Chapters  of  Cayuga  History;  Innes,  New 
Amsterdam  and  Its  People;  Donohoe's  The  Jesuits  a::d  the 
Iroquois;  Walworth,  The  Lily  of  the  Mohawk. 

xvi 


ISAAC  JOGUES. 

first  priest  to  enter  New  York  arrived  drenched  in 
1  his  own  blood.  He  had  been  taken  captive  by  the 
Iroquois  on  the  banks  of  the  St.  Lawrence,  and  was  going 
to  be  burned  to  death  at  Ossernenon,  on  the  Mohawk,  the 
place  now  known  as  Auriesville,  forty  miles  west  of  Albany. 
He  was  Isaac  Jogues,  then  about  thirty-six  years  of  age. 

With  Protestant  historians  Jogues  is  an  especial  favorite ; 
Parkman,  among  others,  being  very  emphatic  in  his  praise. 
Catholics,  of  course,  admire  him,  and  it  is  said  that  Gil- 
mary  Shea's  manuscript  of  the  Life  of  Jogues  was  stained 
with  the  author's  tears.  Jogues'  gentle,  almost  shrinking, 
but  nevertheless  heroic  nature  is  in  striking  contrast  with 
the  bold,  aggressive  and  martial  character  of  his  friend  and 
associate,  Brebeuf.  Perhaps  that  is  why  he  appeals  so 
strongly  to  ordinary  people. 

He  was  born  at  Orleans,  January  10,  1607.  The  cathedral 
of  the  city  is  dedicated  to  the  Holy  Cross,  which  may 
explain  Jogues'  repeated  description  of  himself  as  a  "  citi- 
zen of  the  Holy  Cross."  He  was  baptized,  however,  in  the 
Church  of  St.  Hilary;  a  patron  he  was  often  sorely  in  need 
of.  They  gave  him  in  baptism  the  curious  name  of  Isaac, 
for  it  was  the  fashion  among  the  French  Catholics  of  those 
days  to  imitate  their  Protestant  neighbors  in  adopting  names 
from  the  Old  Testament.  Thus  Isaac,  and  Samuel,  and 
Joshua,  and  David,  and  even  Shadrach  appear  frequently  on 
the  registers  of  those  days.  There  is  such  a  Calvinistic  ring 
about  it,  however,  that  one  Canadian  historian  will  have  it 
that  Champlain  was  not  originally  a  Catholic  because  his 
name  was  Samuel.  But  the  inference  is  not  correct. 

The  family  of  Jogues  still  resides  at  Orleans.  For  some 
time  after  the  departure  of  their  great  representative  for 
Canada  they  were  known  as  Jogues  de  Guedreville,  but  that 
1  1 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

name  is  now  no  longer  used,  and  they  are  called  de  Dreuzy. 
It  will  be  of  interest  to  Americans  to  know  that  the  present 
Vicomtesse  de  Dreuzy  is  a  German-American,  born  in  New 
York.  Her  father  was  also  a  native  of  the  city,  while  her 
mother  was  from  Bogota.  The  maiden  name  of  the  Vicom- 
tesse is  de  Liittgen. 

Another  coincidence  is  that  their  house  faces  the  church 
of  N.  D.  de  Recouvrance.  This  was  the  title  given  by 
Champlain  to  the  church  he  erected  in  Quebec  after  "  recov- 
ering "  Canada.  Under  the  sanctuary  of  N.  D.  de  Re— 
couvrance  in  Orleans,  repose  the  remains  of  the  family  of 
Jogues  de  Guedreville,  some  of  whom  were  eminent  in  their 
native  city. 

The  courtesy  of  the  distinguished  Curator  of  the  Musee 
Historique  d'Orleans  puts  at  our  disposal  the  family  crest 
whose  peculiar  quarterings  it  will  be  hard  for  our  democracy 
to  interpret.  It  consists  of  two  stags'  heads  regardants 
avec  cols  arr aches,  with  a  silver  lake  below  on  which  a  water 
fowl  is  floating,  while  in  the  centre  rises  a  rock  from  which 
gushes  a  fountain.  The  Jogues  de  Guedreville  were  of 
noble  blood. 

Jogues'  first  schooling  was  at  Rouen,  but  at  seventeen  he 
entered  the  Jesuit  novitiate  at  Paris.  Shea  says  it  was  at 
Rouen,  and  Rouvier  in  his  Apotre  Esclave  agrees  with  him, 
while  Rochemonteix  pronounces  for  Paris.  Perhaps  he  was 
in  both.  They  all  concur,  however,  in  giving  him  the 
famous  Louis  Lalemant,  the  author  of  the  well-known 
Conferences  Spirituelles,  as  novice  master.  Lalemant  had 
two  brothers  in  Canada,  Charles  and  Jerome;  and  later 
on,  their  nephew  Gabriel  died  at  the  stake,  side  by  side  with 
Brebeuf. 

Perhaps  this  intimate  connection  with  the  missions  in 
America  was  the  reason  why,  when  the  young  novice  was 
asked  what  he  was  seeking  by  entering  the  Society  and 
replied :  "  Ethiopia  and  martyrdom,"  Lalemant  said :  "  Not 
so,  my  child.  You  will  die  in  Canada."  It  turned  out  to 

2 


ISAAC  JOGUES. 

be  true,  but  there  is  no  need  of  regarding  the  utterance  as 
a  prophecy. 

When  his  studies  and  teaching  were  over,  he  embarked 
for  Quebec,  and  after  two  stormy  months  on  the  ocean  he 
set  foot  on  the  shores  of  the  New  World,  October  2,  1636. 
He  was  then  twenty-nine  years  of  age.  On  the  vessel  with 
him  was  Champlain's  successor,  the  great  Montmagny, 
whom  the  Indians  called  Onontio,  which  is  a  translation 
of  his  name,  and  means  Big  Mountain,  a  title  given  to  all 
subsequent  rulers  of  Quebec.  Onondaga  is  a  word  from 
the  same  root. 

Fortunately  we  have  the  first  letter  that  Jogues  sent  home. 
It  was  to  his  "  Honored  Mother,"  as  he  called  her,  in  the 
dignified  fashion  of  those  days,  and  was  written  imme- 
diately after  his  first  Mass  in  America.  He  had  been  look- 
ing at  the  vast  river,  the  like  of  which  he  had  never  seen 
before.  He  had  already  met  the  painted  red  men  at  whose 
hands  he  might  at  any  moment  expect  death;  and  the  far 
West  to  which  he  was  to  go  was  still  a  mystery  for  him, 
but  he  told  his  "  Honored  Mother :  I  do  not  know  what 
it  is  to  enter  heaven,  but  this  I  know — that  it  is  difficult 
to  experience  in  this  world  a  joy  more  excessive  and  more 
overflowing  than  I  felt  on  setting  foot  in  the  New  World, 
and  celebrating  my  first  Mass  on  the  day  of  the  Visitation. 
I  felt  as  if  it  were  Christmas  Day  for  me,  and  that  I  was 
to  be  born  again  to  a  new  life  and  a  life  in  God." 

A  glimpse  of  the  future  was  afforded  him  two  or  three 
weeks  later  when  he  was  standing  on  the  bank  of  the  St. 
Lawrence,  near  the  stockade  which  in  course  of  time  has 
grown  into  the  city  of  Three  Rivers.  Down  the  stream 
was  coming  a  flotilla  of  canoes,  in  the  first  of  which  stood 
Father  Daniel,  barefooted  and  bareheaded,  his  cassock  in 
rags,  and  his  breviary  suspended  by  a  string  around  his 
neck,  and  though  haggard  and  extenuated  by  hunger  and 
fatigue,  plying  his  paddle  as  vigorously  as  any  redskin. 
Thirteen  years  after  that,  Daniel  fell  pierced  with  arrows 

3 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

and  was  then  flung  into  the  blazing  ruins  of  his  little  chapel. 
But  the  light-hearted  hero  cared  little  what  fate  was  in 
store  for  him  as  he  sprang  ashore  on  that  October  morning 
to  embrace  the  new  soldier  who  was  going  to  the  battle-field 
to  fight  for  God. 

Daniel  was  to  remain  in  Quebec  for  a  short  time,  but 
the  Hurons  would  not  return  to  their  home  without  a  priest. 
So  Jogues  took  his  place  in  the  canoe  and  set  out  for  Lake 
Huron.  A  glance  at  the  map  will  show  what  that  means, 
but  a  detailed  description  by  Bressani,  who  made  the  same 
journey  ten  years  later,  will  help  us  to  better  appreciate  its 
hardships. 

"  The  distance,"  he  says,  "  is  more  than  900  miles  over 
dangerous  rivers  and  great  lakes  whose  storms  are  like 
those  of  the  ocean,  especially  on  one,  which  is  1,200  miles 
in  circumference.  The  greatest  danger,  however,  is  on  the 
rivers.  I  say  '  rivers '  because  there  are  several,  and  we 
can  only  follow  the  St.  Lawrence  for  400  miles.  After 
that  we  have  to  make  our  way  over  other  lakes  and  streams 
which  we  reach  by  skirting  rapids  and  precipices  until  we 
finally  arrive  at  the  great  Lake  Huron,  which  is  known  as 
the  '  Fresh  Water  Sea.' 

"  On  our  journey  we  meet  with  about  sixty  cascades, 
some  of  them  falling  from  a  great  height.  To  get  around 
them  we  have  to  carry  our  boats  and  provisions  and  lug- 
gage, or  at  times  drag  our  canoes  through  the  rapids  for 
four,  eight,  or  ten  miles;  a  labor  which  is  attended  with 
great  peril,  for  often  the  water  is  up  to  our  waists  or  necks, 
and  is  very  cold,  and  if  we  are  caught  in  the  current  we 
are  in  danger  of  being  swept  away  and  lost.  But  it  is  com- 
monly to  be  preferred  to  the  portage,  which  means  making 
our  way  in  our  bare  feet  through  dense  forests,  or  through 
pools  and  marshes,  where  we  have  to  wade,  helping  our- 
selves perhaps  by  a  fallen  tree  which  may  serve  as  a  bridge, 
but  is  often  as  dangerous  and  disagreeable  as  the  water  and 
mud.  Swarms  of  insects  follow  us,  and  there  is  also  con- 

4 


ISAAC  JOGUES. 

stant  danger  of  dying  from  starvation.  For  on  these  jour- 
neys, the  provisions,  which  are  nothing  but  corn,  have  to 
be  carried  for  going  and  returning;  and  to  lighten  the  load 
a  portion  is  often  concealed  in  the  woods  to  be  used  when 
going  back,  but  these  stores  are  frequently  discovered  by 
other  Indians,  or  dug  up  by  the  bears  or  rotted  by  the  rain 
and  moisture.  In  any  of  these  events  we  have  nothing  to 
do  but  to  fast,  and  paddle  away  until  by  hunting  or  fishing 
we  obtain  some  relief.  If  the  journey  is  made  late  in  the 
year,  there  is  a  likelihood  of  finding  the  rivers  and  lakes 
frozen,  and  then  there  is  danger  of  dying  of  hunger  and 
cold ;  or  if  we  escape  that,  we  may  have  to  spend  six  months 
in  the  woods,  hunting  to  live  rather  than  journeying  to 
reach  the  desired  country.  Arriving  there,  other  difficulties 
await  us."  He  says  nothing  of  the  lurking  Iroquois  all 
along  the  route  from  whom  a  horrible  death  could  be  ex- 
pected at  any  moment. 

Such  was  Jogues'  first  experience  of  missionary  life. 
Living  on  Indian  corn  and  water;  sleeping  on  rocks  and 
in  the  woods,  paddling  day  after  day  against  a  rapid  cur- 
rent, dragging  heavy  burdens  over  the  long  portages,  a  part 
of  the  time  with  a  sick  Indian  boy  on  his  shoulders,  were 
not  things  he  had  been  brought  up  to,  but  he  survived  it 
all  and  with  a  light  heart  staggered  through  the  triple 
stockade  of  the  Indian  town  of  Ihonatiria,  and  fell  into  the 
arms  of  Brebeuf  and  his  companions,  whose  delight  was 
greater  as  his  coming  was  unexpected. 

His  cheerful  appearance  was  only  assumed.  In  a  few 
days  he  was  down  with  a  fever  which  the  others  caught 
from  him,  and  the  bark  cabin  became  a  hospital,  but  with 
only  mats  for  beds,  and  a  decoction  of  roots  for  their  whole 
supply  of  drugs.  Moreover,  the  cold  of  November  was 
upon  them.  Le  Mercier  writes:  "We  had  a  hen  which 
gave  us  an  egg,  but  not  every  day.  We  used  to  watch  for 
the  egg  and  then  debate  as  to  who  should  refuse  it."  Jogues' 
condition  became  alarming.  He  was  bleeding  profusely 

5 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

from  the  nostrils  and  the  blood  could  not  be  staunched.  It 
may  go  against  modern  practice,  but  the  Relations  tell  us 
"  hence  we  decided  to  bleed  him.  The  great  question  was 
where  to  find  a  surgeon.  We  were  all  so  skilful  in  this 
trade  that  the  patient  did  not  know  who  should  open  the 
vein  for  him,  and  every  one  of  us  was  waiting  for  the  bene- 
diction of  the  Father  Superior  to  take  the  lance  and  do  the 
work"  Ordinary  people  would  like  to  have  better  medical 
assurance  than  a  benediction.  So  Father  Jogues,  whose 
whole  surgical  experience  consisted  in  "  having  bled  a 
savage  very  successfully  on  the  way  up,"  took  the  lance  and 
did  it  himself,  furnishing  thus  a  fair  sample  of  the  cool 
courage  he  had  at  command.  The  Relations  very  naively 
say  in  referring  to  the  "  savage  who  was  bled  successfully  " 
that  what  was  wanting  in  skill  was  supplied  by  charity. 

When  the  missionaries  recovered,  a  pestilence  broke  out 
among  the  people,  and  hundreds  of  them  died.  The  medi- 
cine men  tried  to  conjure  it  away,  and  when  the  wild  and 
indecent  orgies  which  they  ordered  were  ineffectual,  they 
blamed  the  pestilence  and  their  own  failure  on  the  mis- 
sionaries and  clamored  for  their  death. 

It  was  on  this  occasion  that,  fully  expecting  to  be  mur- 
dered, the  little  band  of  priests  assembled  at  Ossossane. 
Brebeuf  had  come  over  from  Ihonatiria,  and,  together,  they 
boldly  walked  into  the  wigwam  where  the  sachems  were 
deliberating  about  when  and  how  to  kill  them.  Brebeuf 
remonstrated,  and  pleaded,  and  explained,  but  he  was  lis- 
tened to  in  gloomy  silence,  until  at  last,  amid  muttered 
threats  of  vengeance,  the  victims  withdrew  to  Ragueneau's 
hut,  and  under  the  light  of  a  torch  wrote  a  letter  of  fare- 
well to  their  friends  at  Quebec.  They  were  about  to  be  put 
to  death,  they  said,  and  their  only  sorrow  was  that  they 
had  not  been  able  to  suffer  more  for  the  Faith.  Jogues  was 
not  actually  present  at  this  meeting.  He  was  unable  to  leave 
his  little  mission.  But  his  name  was  appended  to  the  docu- 
ment, for  he  expected  to  be  put  to  death  like  the  rest.  The 


ISAAC  JOGUES. 

letter  was  given  to  a  faithful  Indian,  who  brought  it  to  its 
destination.  For  one  reason  or  another  the  savages  did 
not  carry  out  their  threat,  but  every  moment  was  filled  with 
terror.  "  The  missionaries,"  says  Parkman,  "  were  like 
men  who  trod  on  the  lava-crust  of  a  volcano  palpitating 
with  the  throes  of  a  coming  eruption,  while  the  molten  death 
beneath  their  feet  gleamed  white  hot  from  a  thousand 
crevices."  Finally  the  plague  ceased,  but  out  of  fickleness 
or  hatred  for  the  place,  Ihonatiria  was  abandoned  by  the 
Indians,  and  the  Fathers  established  the  mission  of  Ste. 
Marie,  which  became  the  centre  of  all  their  work  for  many 
years  and  the  one  for  which  they  always  manifested  the 
greatest  attachment.  Parkman  regrets  the  Jesuits  wrote  so 
little  about  it. 

If  you  take  the  train  at  Toronto  and  travel  north  through 
the  forests,  which  are  still  dense  enough  to  attract  the 
hunter  but  which  the  lumbermen  are  rapidly  clearing,  you 
arrive  at  LakeSimcoe,  from  the  northern  end  of  which 
flows  the  little  River  Wye  into  Georgian  Bay,  which  is  the 
eastern  portion  of  Lake  Huron.  On  that  river  was  built 
the  new  mission.  It  was  fortified,  because  it  was  intended 
to  be  a  place  of  refuge  for  fugitive  Indians,  a  storehouse 
for  provisions,  and  a  home  where  the  missionaries  could 
come  from  the  woods  and  lakes  to  restore  their  courage  by 
meditation  and  prayer. 

A  branch  of  the  Grand  Trunk  which  runs  north  to  Mid- 
land and  Penetanguishene  brings  you  within  a  few  hundred 
feet  of  that  once  famous  establishment.  You  can  still  trace 
the  lines  of  the  walls  which  are  laid  in  hydraulic  cement, 
and  are  said  to  be  a  puzzle  to  engineers,  for  there  is  no 
cement  in  the  neighborhood,  and  it  could  not  have  been 
brought  a  thousand  miles  from  Quebec.  At  the  four  corners 
are  bastions,  and  around  it  is  a  moat  now  filled  with  rub- 
bish, but  when  it  was  in  use,  affording  easy  access  for  boats 
from  the  river  and  lake. 

Father  Martin,  the  famous  Rector  of  St.  Mary's  College 

7  ' 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

of  Montreal,  who  has  done  more  than  anyone  else  to  revive 
the  memory  of  those  old  heroes  of  the  seventeenth  century 
and  who  inspired  Gilmary  Shea  to  carry  on  the  work, 
visited  Ste.  Marie  in  1859.  He  was  accredited  by  the 
Canadian  Government  to  make  the  investigations. 

"  Without  difficulty,"  he  says,  "  we  found  the  ruins  of 
Fort  Ste.  Marie.  Its  walls,  in  good  masonry,  rose  a  metre 
above  the  ground.  It  was  in  the  form  of  a  long  parallelo- 
gram with  bastions  at  the  angles,  and  in  spite  of  some  pecul- 
iarities of  which  at  the  present  day  it  is  difficult  to  under- 
stand the  reason,  one  recognizes  in  the  construction  an  ac- 
quaintance with  military  engineering  carried  out  with  great 
care.  The  curtains  on  the  west  and  north  are  complete,  but 
there  are  no  traces  of  them  on  the  south  and  east.  Probably 
solid  palisades  which  were  subsequently  destroyed  by  fire 
were  placed  there.  There  was  no  attack  to  be  feared  on 
that  side ;  on  those  two  sides  also  there  is  a  deep  ditch  which 
protects  the  enclosure.  The  south  one  extends  to  the  river 
and  so  formed  a  shelter  for  the  canoes.  It  widens  out  into 
basins  at  three  places.  Along  this  ditch  on  the  south  is  a 
vast  field  protected  on  the  side  facing  the  country  by  a 
redan  whose  earth  parapet  is  still  distinguishable.  In  that 
field  were  the  wigwams  of  the  visiting  Indians,  the  hospital, 
and  guest-house.  At  the  side  of  the  southeast  bastion  was 
a  square  construction  with  a  very  thick  wall,  doubtless  in- 
tended as  the  basis  of  a  future  observation  tower.  We 
opened  a  trench  on  the  inside  angle  of  the  northeast  bastion, 
and  at  the  depth  of  60  c.  found  portions  of  a  burned  plank, 
large  nails,  pieces  of  copper  and  the  bones  of  beavers.  The 
interior  constructions  were  all  in  wood,  which  explains  how 
nothing  is  left  except  a  chimney  in  ruins." 

Of  course  the  missionaries  were  not  cooped  up  in  the 
fort.  The  soil  around  was  carefully  cultivated  and  pro- 
duced an  abundant  harvest.  There  was  such  an  amount  of 
maize  in  1649  that  the  Superior  thought  they  had  a  supply 
that  would  last  for  three  years.  They  kept  fowl  and  swine 

8 


ISAAC  JOGUES. 

and  cattle,  and  the  wonder  is  how  the  animals  were  trans- 
ported to  that  distant  place.  It  was  a  god-send  for  the  poor, 
starving  Indians,  and  at  times  three  or  four  thousand  of 
them  were  within  the  walls  of  Ste.  Marie.  No  doubt,  while 
being  fed  and  cared  for,  they  wondered  at  the  unexplainable 
charity  that  prompted  it  all.  But  it  was  not  only  in  famine 
times  that  they  were  harbored.  On  every  alternate  Saturday 
they  came  in  crowds  from  the  farthest  villages,  and  during 
Saturday,  Sunday  and  a  part  of  Monday  they  were  boun- 
teously feasted  and  of  course  instructed  and  made  to  feel 
the  influence  of  the  solemn  religious  rites  performed  in  the 
great  church  which,  for  the  Indians,  was  a  marvel  of  beauty, 
but  as  Ragueneau  deprecatingly  wrote,  "  very  poor  for  the 
rest  of  us."  Nothing  is  now  left  of  all  this  but  the  stones 
of  the  foundation,  which  for  historical  if  not  for  religious 
motives  ought  to  be  made  a  public  monument. 

To  this  central  mission  the  Fathers  all  came  for  their 
conferences  and  annual  retreats,  and  possibly  it  might  be 
of  interest  to  quote  the  well-known  passage  of  Parkman, 
even  if  it  is  colored  somewhat  by  his  poetry  and  lack  of  spir- 
itual appreciation.  It  is  found  in  his  Jesuits  in  North 
America. 

"  Hither,"  he  says,  "  while  the  Fathers  are  gathered  from 
their  scattered  stations  at  one  of  their  periodical  meetings, 
let  us,  too,  repair  and  join  them.  We  enter  at  the  eastern 
gate  of  the  fortification,  midway  in  the  wall  between  its 
northern  and  southern  bastions,  and  pass  to  the  hall,  where 
at  a  rude  table,  spread  with  ruder  fare,  all  the  household  are 
assembled — laborers,  domestics,  soldiers,  priests. 

"  It  was  a  scene  that  might  recall  a  remote  half  feudal, 
half  patriarchal  age,  when  under  the  smoky  rafters  of  his 
antique  hall  some  warlike  thane  sat,  with  kinsmen  and  de- 
pendents, ranged  down  the  long  board,  each  in  his  degree. 
Here  doubtless  Ragueneau,  the  Father  Superior,  held  the 
place  of  honor;  and  for  chieftains,  scarred  with  Danish 
battle-axes,  was  seen  a  band  of  thoughtful  men  clad  in 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

threadbare  garb  of  black,  their  brows  swarthy  from  ex- 
posure, yet  marked  with  the  lines  of  intellect  and  a  fixed 
enthusiasm  of  purpose.  Here  was  Bressani,  scarred  with 
firebrand  and  knife;  Chabanel,  once  a  professor  of  rhetoric 
in  France,  now  a  missionary  bound  by  a  self-imposed  vow 
to  a  life  from  which  his  nature  recoiled ;  the  fanatical  Chau- 
monot,  whose  character  savored  of  his  peasant  birth — for 
the  grossest  fungus  of  superstition  that  ever  grew  under 
the  shadow  of  Rome  was  not  too  much  for  his  omnivorous 
credulity,  and  mysteries  and  miracles  were  his  daily  food; 
yet,  such  as  his  faith  was,  he  was  ready  to  die  for  it.  Gar- 
nier,  beardless  like  a  woman,  was  of  a  far  finer  nature.  His 
religion  was  of  the  affections  and  the  sentiments;  and  his 
imagination,  warmed  with  the  ardor  of  his  faith,  shaped 
the  ideal  form  of  his  worship  into  visible  realities.  Brebeuf 
sat  conspicuous  among  his  brethren,  portly  and  tall,  his 
short  moustache  and  beard  grizzled — for  he  was  fifty-six 
years  old.  If  he  seemed  impassive  it  was  because  one  over- 
mastering principle  had  merged  and  absorbed  all  the  im- 
pulses of  his  nature  and  all  the  faculties  of  his  mind.  The 
enthusiasm  which  with  many  is  fitful  was  with  him  the  cur- 
rent of  his  life — solemn  and  deep  as  the  tide  of  destiny. 
The  Divine  Trinity,  the  Virgin,  the  Saints,  Heaven  and 
Hell,  Angels  and  Fiends — to  him  these  alone  were  real,  all 
else  were  naught.  Gabriel  Lalemant,  nephew  of  Jerome 
Lalemant,  Superior  at  Quebec,  was  Brebeuf's  colleague 
at  the  mission  of  St.  Ignace.  His  slender  frame  and  deli- 
cate features  gave  him  an  appearance  of  youth,  though  he 
had  reached  middle  life;  and,  as  in  the  case  of  Gamier,  the 
fervor  of  his  mind  sustained  him  through  exertions  of 
which  he  seemed  physically  incapable. 

"  Of  the  rest  of  that  company  little  has  come  down  to  us 
but  the  bare  record  of  their  missionary  toils;  and  we  may 
ask  in  vain  what  youthful  enthusiasm,  what  broken  hope 
or  faded  dream,  turned  the  current  of  their  lives,  and  sent 
them  from  the  heart  of  civilization  to  the  savage  outpost 

10 


ISAAC  JOGUES. 

of  the  world.  No  element  was  wanting  in  them  for  the 
achievement  of  such  a  success  as  that  to  which  they  aspired 
— neither  the  transcendental  zeal,  nor  a  matchless  discipline, 
nor  a  practical  sagacity  very  seldom  surpassed  in  the  pur- 
suits where  men  strive  for  wealth  and  place,  and  if  they 
were  destined  to  disappointment,  it  was  the  result  of  ex- 
ternal causes,  against  which  no  power  of  theirs  could  have 
insured  them." 

Barring  the  malignant  characterization  of  Chaumonot, 
which  is  like  a  shot  from  an  ambush,  as  well  as  the  nonsense 
about  disappointed  hopes  and  faded  dreams,  the  picture  is 
vivid  enough  to  be  quoted.  We  regret  that  the  figure  of 
Jogues  does  not  appear  in  that  "  half-feudal,  half-patri- 
archal group  " ;  especially  as  it  was  his  "  practical  sagacity 
very  seldom  surpassed  in  the  pursuits  where  men  strive  for 
wealth  and  place  "  that  prompted  his  superiors  to  appoint 
him  to  superintend  the  construction  of  those  very  works 
which  Parkman  so  much  admires. 

That  he  was  the  chief  builder  of  Ste.  Marie  dispels  the 
impression  about  his  being  little  else  than  a  religious  en- 
thusiast eagerly  seeking  death.  On  the  contrary  he  was 
the  most  practical  of  all  the  missionaries.  Whatever  he 
undertook  was  scrutinized  carefully  in  all  its  bearings;  its 
difficulties  were  weighed ;  its  dangers  estimated ;  but  "  once 
the  word  '  go '  was  given,"  wrote  his  Superior,  "  then 
neither  man  nor  devil  could  stop  him." 

His  first  apostolic  work  away  from  the  post  was  among 
the  Petun  or  Tobacco  nation;  a  name  which  indicates  the 
occupation  of  that  tribe.  With  him  was  Gamier,  who  some 
years  later  was  to  die  under  the  blow  of  a  tomahawk  while 
he  was  crawling  on  the  ground  after  being  riddled  with 
bullets  to  absolve  a  dying  Huron  brave.  Gamier  and  Jogues 
had  been  consecrated  priests  together  at  the  same  altar  in 
France  a  few  years  before. 

Holy  as  they  were,  their  efforts  failed.  Abandoned  by 
their  guides,  they  had  to  make  their  beds  in  the  snow ;  were 

11 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

driven  out  of  the  wigwams  in  the  dead  of  night ;  and  were 
followed  by  excited  Indians  with  threats  and  imprecations 
from  village  to  village.  They  did  nothing  at  all  but  baptize 
one  poor  old  squaw.  But  possibly  her  prayers  were  power- 
ful with  God,  for  the  next  year  Gamier  returned  and  estab- 
lished a  prosperous  mission  among  his  hard-hearted  Petuns. 

Meantime  a  number  of  Ojibways  or  Chippewas  had  come 
down  from  Lake  Superior  to  take  part  in  the  great  decennial 
feast  of  the  dead  with  their  friends  the  Hurons.  Astonished 
at  what  they  saw,  they  asked  for  a  mission  in  their  country, 
and  Jogues  and  Raymbault  were  assigned  to  the  work. 
They  stepped  into  their  little  bark  canoe  on  September  17, 
1641,  and  paddled  for  weeks  along  the  eastern  shore  of 
Georgian  Bay,  and  then  across  the  upper  reaches  of  Lake 
Huron  and  finally  arrived  after  many  dangers  and  hard- 
ships at  the  place  which  is  now  a  great  centre  of  commerce, 
Sault  Ste.  Marie.  The  missionaries  gave  it  that  name. 

You  say  to  the  dwellers  in  those  regions :  "  That  must 
have  been  a  journey  of  two  or  three  hundred  miles,"  and 
they  smile  at  your  simplicity  and  answer :  "  More  like  a 
thousand  because  of  the  way  a  canoe  has  to  travel.  A  shell 
like  that  can  never  make  a  cut  across  the  open." 

They  reached  their  destination,  and  it  is  a  distinction 
worth  noting  that  they  were  the  first  white  men  to  stand  on 
the  shores  of  Lake  Superior;  for  though  Nicolet  had  been 
in  those  parts  before  them,  yet  he  had  gone  down  through 
the  Straits  of  Mackinac  and  explored  Lake  Michigan,  while 
they  kept  on  to  the  north  and  west. 

At  the  Sault  they  met  2,000  Indians,  whom  Jogues  ad- 
dressed in  their  own  language,  assuring  them  that  after 
reporting  to  his  Superior  he  would  establish  a  mission  there. 
"  Then,"  he  added,  "  after  instructing  you  we  shall  go 
thither,"  and  he  erected  a  cross  which  faced  the  country  of 
the  Sioux,  who  were  settled  about  the  headwaters  of  the 
Mississippi.  That  was  thirty  years  before  Marquette 
started  from  the  same  place  to  find  the  great  river,  which 

12 


ISAAC  JOGUES. 

Jogues  would  certainly  have  attempted  had  he  been  spared. 
In  fact,  as  we  see  in  Le  Jeune's  Relation  of  1636,  all  the 
missionaries  were  eager  to  make  the  attempt.  But  Jogues 
never  returned  to  Lake  Superior.  He  was  captured  by  the 
enemy  and  killed  on  the  far-off  Mohawk.  But  it  is  more 
than  likely  that  by  securing  the  good  will  of  the  savages  of 
those  parts  Jogues  made  it  possible  for  the  great  Marquette 
to  be  a  missionary  without  being  a  martyr. 

It  is  very  pleasant  to  meet  in  Picturesque  America  a  de- 
scription of  this  scene :  "  Two  hundred  and  thirty-two 
years  ago,"  says  the  writer,  "  the  first  white  man  stood  on 
the  shores  of  Lake  Superior.  Before  him  was  assembled 
a  crowd  of  Indians — two  thousand  Ojibways  and  other 
Algonquins — listening  with  curiosity  to  the  strange  tidings 
he  brought,  and  in  some  instances  allowing  the  mystic 
drops  to  be  poured  on  their  foreheads;  for  like  all  the  first 
explorers  of  the  lake-country,  this  man  was  a  missionary. 
Only  religious  zeal  could  brave  the  wilderness  and  its  sav- 
ages, cold  and  hunger,  torture  and  death,  for  no  hope  of 
earthly  reward,  for  no  gold  mines,  for  no  fountain  of  youth, 
but  simply  for  the  salvation  of  souls.  And  whatever  pos- 
terity may  think  of  the  utility  of  their  work,  it  must  at  least 
admire  the  courage  and  devotion  of  these  Fathers,  who, 
almost  without  exception,  laid  down  their  lives  for  the 
cause.  What  can  a  man  do  more?  Five  years  later  came 
the  turn  of  this  first  white  man  of  Lake  Superior,  murdered 
by  the  Indians  in  the  forests  near  the  Mohawk  River." 

They  paddled  back  the  way  they  came,  to  announce  the 
good  news  and  to  prepare  for  the  great  enterprise,  but 
Raymbault  was  in  a  dying  condition  from  hunger  and  ex- 
posure, and  someone  had  to  go  with  him  to  Quebec  where 
he  could  be  cared  for.  Incidentally  also  the  mission  had  to 
lay  in  supplies ;  for  nothing  had  come  from  below  for  three 
entire  years.  Who  would  attempt  the  perilous  voyage? 
Jogues  maintained  that  he  could  be  most  easily  spared, 
though  no  one  shared  that  view  with  him,  but  he  succeeded 

13 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

in  persuading  his  Superiors  and  set  out  to  carry  his  dying 
friend  over  the  intervening  thousand  miles,  at  every  foot 
of  which  there  was  a  menace  of  death  from  dangerous 
cataracts  or  wild  beasts  or  prowling  Iroquois.  They  reached 
Quebec  in  safety  though  with  much  suffering,  and  there 
Raymbault  soon  breathed  his  last.  He  was  the  first  Jesuit 
to  die  in  Canada.  He  was  buried  by  the  side  of  Champlain ; 
but  the  exact  spot  where  the  priest  and  the  soldier  were  laid 
the  people  of  Quebec  cannot  tell  you  to-day. 

Jogues  was  successful  in  obtaining  supplies,  and  he  set 
out  on  his  return  journey  with  his  canoes  well  packed  with 
provisions.  With  him  were  about  forty  persons;  one  a 
famous  Huron  chief  who  was  thought  to  bear  a  charmed 
life,  so  often  had  he  escaped  injury  in  battle;  another  a 
former  sorcerer  who  had  become  a  Christian  and  was  now 
as  pious  as  he  had  formerly  been  wicked.  Rene  Goupil 
and  William  Couture,  two  donnes  or  laymen  who  for  re- 
ligious motives  had  devoted  themselves  to  the  help  of  the 
missionaries,  also  made  part  of  the  convoy;  and  finally 
Theresa,  an  Indian  girl,  who  had  been  educated  by  the 
Ursulines  of  Quebec,  and  who  was  now  unwillingly  leaving 
her  beloved  nuns,  and  returning  to  her  country  to  assist  by 
her  piety  and  knowledge  in  spreading  the  faith.  She  is  to 
disappear  in  the  forests  only  to  be  found  again  just  before 
Jogues'  martyrdom. 

Knowing  the  dangers  that  confronted  them,  the  Governor 
offered  the  convoy  a  detachment  of  soldiers,  but  the  Indians, 
who  never  appreciate  danger  until  the  enemy  appears,  in- 
dignantly refused  all  help.  They  were  able  to  take  care  of 
themselves.  But  they  were  only  a  day's  journey  beyond 
Three  Rivers,  which  they  had  left  on  August  1,  1642,  when 
a  suspicious  trail  revealed  itself.  The  great  chief  said 
haughtily :  "  If  it  is  the  trail  of  friends  there  is  no  fear ;  if 
it  is  an  enemy's  we  are  strong  enough  to  conquer  " ;  but  a 
war-whoop  and  a  volley  of  musketry  soon  told  another  story. 
They  were  ambushed  by  almost  twice  their  number.  There 

14 


ISAAC  JOGUES. 

were  seventy  Mohawks  in  all,  and  significantly  enough  they 
were  led  by  a  Huron  apostate.  An  Indian  in  the  canoe  with 
Father  Jogues  was  hit  by  a  bullet,  and  regardless  of  danger 
the  priest  hurried  to  his  assistance,  but  when  he  rose  from 
where  he  had  been  kneeling  he  found  the  greater  number 
of  his  Hurons  in  flight,  and  those  who  had  held  their  ground 
already  in  the  hands  of  the  enemy.  What  would  he  do? 
He  was  as  fleet  of  foot  as  any  Indian  and  could  have  escaped 
if  he  wished.  But  before  his  eyes  he  saw  his  beloved  Goupil 
and  some  of  his  Huron  Christians  bound  hand  and  foot, 
and  the  thought  of  deserting  them  never  entered  his  mind. 
To  the  amazement  of  the  Indians  he  strode  out  from  his 
concealment  and  stood  beside  them.  It  is  worth  noting  that 
the  one  who  made  the  most  splendid  fight  in  this  encounter 
was  Rene  Goupil.  When  nearly  every  one  had  fled  he  re- 
mained almost  alone  facing  the  whole  host  of  enemies  and 
fighting  fiercely.  The  fact  is  worth  remembering,  for  there 
is  such  stress  laid  on  his  piety  and  gentleness  that  we  are 
prone  to  fancy  him  as  timid  and  shrinking  and  somewhat 
feminine  in  his  disposition,  and  not  the  heroic  fighter  that 
this  occasion  showed  him  to  be.  Jogues  describes  him  as 
"  a  man  of  remarkable  intrepidity." 

The  deep  affection  with  which  the  priest  was  regarded 
by  the  rest  of  the  company  revealed  itself  as  the  battle  was 
ending.  Couture  was  well  out  of  reach  when  he  discovered 
that  the  Father  was  not  with  him.  He  deliberately  turned 
back,  though  he  had  to  fight  his  way  through  a  crowd  of 
Iroquois  who  almost  cut  him  to  pieces  in  his  effort  to  reach 
the  side  of  Jogues.  The  "  invulnerable  "  Huron  chief,  who 
had  taken  to  flight,  came  back  of  his  own  accord  also, 
though  he  knew  it  meant  torture  and  a  horrible  death. 

It  was  while  embracing  and  consoling  Couture,  who  was 
brought  in  covered  with  blood,  that  Father  Jogues  was 
felled  to  the  earth  by  the  sticks  and  clubs  of  the  Iroquois. 
He  awoke  to  consciousness  only  to  find  two  savages  gnaw- 
ing his  fingers  off  with  their  teeth.  As  the  battle  was  now 

15 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

over,  the  captives  were  flung  into  canoes,  and  the  party 
hurried  up  the  stream  to  where  the  Sorel  flows  into  the  St. 
Lawrence,  but  not  before  they  had  cut  a  record  of  their 
exploit  on  the  trees  of  the  forest.  The  exact  spot  where 
the  battle  was  fought  has  been  forgotten. 

Nothing  more  disastrous  could  have  happened  to  the 
missions  than  this  capture  of  Jogues.  "  Had  we  received 
those  supplies,"  wrote  Father  Le  Mercier,  "  we  could  have 
held  out  indefinitely."  But  of  course  Jogues  was  not  re- 
sponsible. He  knew  too  well  the  needs  of  his  brethren  and 
the  advantage  of  having  soldiers  as  protectors  on  a  journey 
like  the  one  on  which  he  had  started,  and  he  had  seen  too 
many  an  example  of  the  foolish  self-reliance  of  the  Hurons. 
But  the  "  invulnerable "  chief  had  decided,  and  now  the 
ruin  of  all  the  missions  of  the  Northwest  was  only  a  matter 
of  time. 

Their  course  lay  up  the  Richelieu  to  Lake  Champlain  and 
Lake  George  and  over  to  the  Mohawk.  As  they  hurried 
along  they  were  beaten  with  sticks  and  clubs ;  their  wounds 
were  torn  open  by  the  long  nails  of  the  Indians ;  they  were 
refused  food  and  drink,  and  at  night  were  picketed  to  the 
earth  to  prevent  their  escape. 

The  traveller  on  Lake  Champlain  to-day  is  shown  an 
island  which  the  State  has  set  aside  as  a  government  reser- 
vation. It  is  marked  Jogues  Island.  It  is  thought  to  have 
been  the  scene  of  the  occurrences  which  Jogues  describes 
at  this  stage  of  his  journey.  A  number  of  braves  on  the 
warpath  had  halted  there  awaiting  the  raiders,  and  their 
thirst  for  blood  had  to  be  satiated  by  the  usual  savage 
pastime  of  the  gauntlet.  "  We  were  made  to  go  up  the 
slope  from  the  shore  between  two  lines  of  savages  armed 
with  clubs  and  sticks  and  knives,"  writes  Jogues.  "  I  was 
the  last,  and  blows  were  showered  on  me.  I  fell  on  the 
ground  and  I  thought  my  end  had  come,  but  they  lifted  me 
up  all  streaming  with  blood  and  carried  me  more  dead  than 
alive  to  the  platform."  The  usual  tortures  of  gashing  and 

16 


ISAAC  JOGUES. 

stabbing  and  beating  and  burning  and  distending  followed. 
More  of  the  martyr's  fingers  were  gnawed  or  burned  off, 
and  at  one  time  he  was  on  the  point  of  consecrating  that 
island  of  Lake  Champlain  by  a  horrible  death  at  the  stake. 
The  torture  was  drawing  to  an  end.  A  huge  savage  stood 
above  him  with  a  knife  to  slash  the  nose  from  his  face, 
which  was  the  usual  prelude  for  death  by  fire.  Jogues 
looked  at  him  calmly,  and  to  the  surprise  of  all  the  exe- 
cutioner strode  away.  Again  the  effort  was  made  with  the 
same  result.  Some  unseen  power  averted  death  at  that 
time.  His  martyrdom  was  to  be  more  protracted. 

From  there  they  resumed  their  journey,  stopping,  how- 
ever, to  repeat  the  sport  whenever  a  new  band  was  met  with. 
It  took  them  till  the  tenth  of  August  to  reach  the  southern 
end  of  Lake  George;  and  then  for  four  days  the  wretched 
captives  dragged  themselves  along  the  trail  which  passes  by 
what  is  now  Saratoga,  bleeding  and  famished,  supporting 
their  miserable  life  by  the  fruit  or  berries  they  could  pluck 
from  the  trees  or  the  roots  they  could  dig  up  in  the  woods. 
They  were  loaded  meantime  with  heavy  packs,  and  beaten 
when  they  faltered  or  fell  on  the  road.  On  the  eve  of  the 
Assumption,  1642,  they  arrived  on  the  north  bank  of  the 
Mohawk,  opposite  the  village  of  Ossernenon,  a  little  above 
where  the  Schoharie  Creek  flows  into  the  river. 

A  conch-shell,  an  instrument  usually  reserved  for  re- 
ligious rites,  announced  their  coming,  and  men  and  women 
and  children  swarmed  down  to  the  river  bank  to  give  the 
victims  a  savage  welcome.  It  was  the  gauntlet  again,  and 
the  miserable  line  moved  up  the  steep  ascent;  Jogues,  as 
usual,  coming  last.  "  I  saw  Rene  in  front  of  me,"  he  after- 
wards wrote,  "  fall,  horribly  mangled  and  covered  with 
blood;  not  a  spot  of  white  was  visible  as  he  was  dragged 
to  the  place  of  torture."  But  while  grieving  for  his  friend 
and  forgetting  his  own  pitiable  state,  he  himself  was  struck 
by  a  huge  ball  of  iron  in  the  middle  of  the  back,  and  fell 
gasping  on  the  pathway;  but  he  struggled  to  his  feet  and 
s  17 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

followed  the  procession  to  the  platform,  where  the  usual 
horrors  of  such  performances  were  carried  out  in  all  their 
details,  till  darkness  brought  them  to  an  end.  But  even 
then  their  sufferings  were  not  over,  for  they  were  pinioned 
to  the  earth  and  given  over  to  the  boys  of  the  camp,  who 
amused  themselves  the  greater  part  of  the  night  by  sticking 
knives  and  prongs  into  the  victims,  and  heaping  coals  and 
hot  ashes  upon  their  naked  bodies  to  see  them  writhe  in 
agony.  Jogues  narrates  that  Rene's  breast  was  a  pitiable 
sight  after  this  torture.  He  does  not  allude  to  his  own  con- 
dition, except  to  say  that  he  was  more  fortunate  in  being 
able  to  throw  off  the  burning  coals. 

One  incident  occurred,  on  this  first  day  at  Ossernenon, 
which  is  worthy  of  special  notice,  as  illustrating  the  wonder- 
ful self-control  of  the  great  martyr.  A  captive  Indian  woman, 
a  Christian,  and  chosen  no  doubt  for  that  reason,  was  com- 
pelled, under  menace  of  death,  to  saw  off  with  a  jagged 
shell  the  thumb  of  the  priest.  She  complied,  though  horror- 
stricken;  and  when  it  fell  on  the  ground,  Jogues  picked  it 
up,  and,  as  he  himself  humbly  says,  "  I  presented  it  to  Thee, 
O  my  God!  in  remembrance  of  the  sacrifices  which  for  the 
last  seven  years  I  had  offered  on  the  altars  of  Thy  Church 
and  as  an  atonement  for  the  want  of  love  and  reverence  of 
which  I  have  been  guilty  in  touching  Thy  Sacred  Body." 
"  Throw  it  down,"  whispered  Couture,  at  his  side,  "  or  they 
will  make  you  eat  it."  He  cast  it  aside,  and  possibly  some 
prowling  dog  of  the  camp  devoured  it.  It  would  be  hard 
to  find  a  parallel  for  such  an  act  in  the  annals  of  the 
martyrs. 

The  next  day  these  tortures  were  repeated,  and  then  the 
adjoining  villages  of  Andagarron  and  Tionnontoguen  had 
to  be  regaled  in  similar  fashion,  until  the  ferocity  of  the 
savages  was  sated. 

By  this  time  the  other  captives  were  either  killed  or  sent 
elsewhere  among  the  tribes;  Jogues  and  Goupil  alone  re- 
mained. It  had  been  decided  first  to  burn  them  at  the 

18 


ISAAC  JOGUES. 

stake,  but  other  counsels  prevailed,  and  they  were  brought 
back  first  to  Andagarron  and  then  to  Ossernenon.  On  the 
7th  of  September  the  news  of  their  capture  had  reached 
Fort  Orange,  and  the  Commandant  Arendt  van  Corlear  in 
person,  accompanied  by  Jean  Labatie  and  Jacob  Jansen, 
came  to  arrange  for  their  ransom.  But  the  news  had 
arrived  that  the  war  party  which  had  tortured  Jogues  on 
Lake  Champlain  had  been  badly  beaten  at  the  fort  which 
Montmagny  had  hastily  thrown  up  at  the  mouth  of  the 
Richelieu  after  the  capture  of  Jogues.  Furious  with  rage 
on  that  account,  they  would  not  give  up  the  prisoners.  Once 
again  there  was  question  of  the  stake. 

Soon  afterwards,  Goupil  was  killed  for  making  the  sign 
of  the  cross  on  the  head  of  a  child.  It  occurred  when  the 
lonely  captives  were  returning  to  the  village  reciting  their 
beads.  A  savage  stole  up  behind  them  and  buried  his  toma- 
hawk in  the  skull  of  Goupil,  who  fell  on  his  face  uttering 
the  Holy  Name.  Jogues  seized  him  in  his  arms,  gave  him 
the  last  absolution,  and  then  waited  his  own  turn,  but  the 
victim  was  torn  from  his  embrace  and  two  more  blows  by 
the  murderer  ended  the  work.  "  Thus,"  says  Jogues,  "  on 
the  29th  of  September,  this  angel  of  innocence  and  martyr 
of  Jesus  Christ  was  immolated  in  his  thirty-fifth  year,  for 
Him  who  had  given  His  life  for  his  ransom.  He  had  con- 
secrated his  heart  and  his  soul  to  God,  and  his  work  and 
his  life  to  the  welfare  of  the  poor  Indians." 

The  next  day  he  went  to  search  for  the  corpse  but  was 
prevented.  On  the  following  morning,  however,  in  spite 
of  threats  to  kill  him,  he  set  out  with  an  Algonquin  and 
discovered  the  remains  in  the  stream  at  the  foot  of  the  hill. 
The  body  had  been  given  to  the  boys  of  the  village,  who 
had  stripped  it  and  dragged  it  there  for  sport.  It  was  al- 
ready partially  eaten  by  the  dogs.  All  that  he  could  do  at 
the  time  was  to  hide  it  deeper  in  the  stream,  intending  to 
return  later  to  give  it  burial.  Two  days  passed  and  he  was 
unable  to  carry  out  his  purpose.  When  he  sought  it  again, 

19 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

it  was  gone.  His  description  of  this  search  reads  like  a 
threnody :  "  I  went  to  the  spot  where  I  had  laid  the  re- 
mains. I  climbed  the  hill  at  the  foot  of  which  the  torrent 
runs.  I  descended  it.  I  went  through  the  woods  on  the 
other  side;  my  search  was  useless.  In  spite  of  the  depth  of 
the  water,  which  came  up  to  my  waist,  for  it  had  rained 
all  night,  and  in  spite  of  the  cold,  I  sounded  with  my  feet 
and  my  staff  to  see  whether  the  current  had  not  carried  the 
corpse  further  off.  I  asked  every  Indian  I  saw  whether  he 
knew  what  had  become  of  it.  Oh !  what  sighs  I  uttered  and 
what  tears  I  shed  to  mingle  with  the  waters  of  the  torrent, 
while  I  chanted  to  Thee,  O  my  God!  the  psalms  of  Holy 
Church  in  the  Office  of  the  Dead."  After  the  thaw  he 
found  some  bones,  and  the  skull  which  had  been  crushed 
in  several  places.  "  I  reverently  kissed  the  hallowed  re- 
mains and  hid  them  in  the  earth  that  I  may  one  day,  if  such 
be  the  will  of  God,  enrich  with  them  a  Christian  and  holy 
ground.  He  deserves  the  name  of  martyr  not  only  because 
he  has  been  murdered  by  the  enemies  of  God  and  His 
Church  while  laboring  in  ardent  charity  for  his  neighbor, 
but  more  than  all  because  he  was  killed  for  being  at  prayer 
and  notably  for  making  the  sign  of  the  cross." 

The  exact  place  which  holds  the  remains  of  the  martyr, 
whom  this  other  martyr  canonized,  has  never  been  dis- 
covered. Perhaps  it  will  be  God's  will,  as  Father  Jogues 
prayed,  to  reveal  it  in  time.  It  is  somewhere  in  the  Ravine 
at  Auriesville. 

Then  followed  his  awful  captivity  for  more  than  a  year, 
a  partial  catalogue  of  whose  horrors  he  has  left  us  in  the 
account  which  his  Superiors  commanded  him  to  write. 
Parkman  has  studied  it  carefully  and  pronounces  it  a  living 
martyrdom.  He  was  employed  in  the  filthiest  and  most 
degrading  work  of  the  camp,  and  was  held  in  greater  con- 
tempt than  the  most  despicable  squaw.  Heavy  burdens 
were  placed  on  his  bruised  and  livid  shoulders,  and  he  was 
made  to  tramp  fifty  and  sixty  and  a  hundred  miles  after  his 

20 


ISAAC  JOGUES. 

savage  masters,  who  delighted  to  exhibit  him  wherever  they 
went.  His  naked  feet  left  bloody  tracks  upon  the  ice  or 
flints  of  the  road;  his  flesh  was  rotting  with  disease;  his 
wounds  were  gangrened;  he  was  often  beaten  to  the  earth 
by  the  fists  or  clubs  of  crazy  and  drunken  Indians;  and 
more  than  once  saw  the  tomahawk  above  his  head  and 
heard  his  death  sentence  pronounced.  The  wretched  deer- 
skin they  permitted  him  to  have  was  swarming  with  vermin ; 
he  was  often  in  a  condition  of  semi-starvation  as  he  crouched 
in  a  corner  of  the  filthy  wigwam  and  saw  the  savages  gorg- 
ing themselves  with  meat,  which  had  been  first  offered  to 
the  demons  and  which  he  therefore  refused  to  eat,  though 
his  savage  masters  raged  against  this  implied  contempt  of 
their  gods.  According  to  General  Clark  that  was  the  deter- 
mining cause  of  his  death.  But  over  and  above  all  this 
bodily  agony,  his  sensitive  and  holy  soul  was  made  to 
undergo  a  greater  agony  by  the  sight  of  their  shameless 
moral  turpitude  and  the  awful  spectacle  thrust  upon  him 
as  they  devoured  their  captives. 

Meanwhile  he  was  baptizing  what  dying  children  he 
could  discover,  and  comforting  the  Huron  captives  who 
were  brought  into  camp,  sometimes  even  at  the  risk  of  his 
life  rushing  into  the  flames  to  baptize  them  as  they  were 
burning  at  the  stake. 

The  wonder  of  it  all  is  how  human  endurance  could  be 
equal  to  such  a  strain.  Indeed  only  the  help  of  supernatural 
grace  can  explain  how  he  did  not  die  or  lose  his  mind.  That 
God  gave  him  such  assistance  there  is  no  doubt,  for  we  find 
in  the  record  he  has  left  that  he  spent  hour  after  hour  kneel- 
ing in  prayer  in  the  deep  snow  of  the  forest,  protected  from 
the  wintry  blast  of  the  storm  only  by  a  few  pine  branches. 
The  Indians  dreaded  the  cross  which  he  used  to  cut  in  the 
trunks  of  trees,  and  took  his  prayers  for  incantations,  often 
threatening  to  kill  him  when  he  was  so  engaged.  We  learn 
also  that  he  was  at  times  favored  with  heavenly  visions 
during  that  long  martyrdom.  He  heard  the  songs  of  angels 

21 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

above  the  roar  of  the  tempest,  and  saw  the  palisaded  town 
transformed  into  a  celestial  city,  and  beheld  the  Divine 
Master  as  a  King  in  royal  robes.  Besides  these  heavenly 
consolations,  he  had  a  human  comforter  also,  a  poor  old 
squaw  in  whose  cabin  he  lived  and  whom  he  called  his 
"  Aunt."  She  would  try  in  her  rude  way  to  heal  his 
wounds;  would  weep  over  them  when  she  could  not  suc- 
ceed; and  invariably  warned  him  of  any  danger  that  she 
happened  to  hear  of.  We  do  not  know  if  he  converted  the 
poor  old  creature.  We  cannot  help  thinking  that  he  did. 

There  is  another  touching  incident  of  rewarded  affection 
that  occurred  during  his  journeys.  He  stumbled  into  a 
miserable  cabin  where  he  found  a  dying  Indian.  "  Do  you 
not  know  me?  "  said  the  sufferer.  "  It  was  I  who  cut  you 
down  when  you  were  suspended  by  ropes  at  Ossernenon 
and  were  just  about  to  die."  God  rewarded  the  poor 
wretch  and  he  received  baptism  before  he  expired.  No 
doubt  also  a  poor  squaw  whom  he  saved  from  a  furious 
torrent,  plunging  in  to  save  her  and  her  babe  while  the 
Indians  looked  on  apathetically,  must  have  done  her  best 
to  repay  him. 

Month  after  month  dragged  on,  and  repeated  efforts  were 
made  to  purchase  him  from  the  Mohawks.  Even  the  So- 
kokis  of  distant  Maine,  who  had  been  well  treated  by  the 
French,  came  to  intercede  for  him.  In  fact  he  tells  us  him- 
self that  he  might  have  escaped,  but  could  not  find  it  in  his 
heart  to  do  so  while  there  were  any  Christian  captives  to 
whom  he  might  be  of  service.  His  baptisms  that  year,  he 
informs  us,  amounted  to  seventy  altogether,  all,  of  course, 
of  persons  at  the  point  of  death.  It  is  New  York's  first 
baptismal  record.  Unfortunately  we  have  only  the  number, 
not  the  names. 

Finally,  after  about  thirteen  months,  his  release  became 
imperative.  On  June  30,  1643,  he  had  secured  a  scrap  of 
paper,  and  with  full  knowledge  of  the  danger  he  was  ex- 
posing himself  to,  sent  a  letter  to  Montmagny  informing 

22 


ISAAC  JOGUES. 

him  that  the  Mohawks  were  about  to  attack  Fort  Richelieu. 
An  Indian  had  asked  for  it,  hoping  to  profit  by  it  in  one 
way  or  other.  The  savages  found  themselves  forestalled 
and  attributed  their  failure  to  Jogues. 

It  is  this  action  which  serves  as  the  foundation  of  the 
charge  that  he  was  really  not  put  to  death  for  the  faith,  but 
in  punishment  for  this  "  treachery." 

To  this  the  answer  is  plain.  In  the  first  place,  he  was 
not  put  to  death  then.  Consequently  the  feelings  of  the 
Indians,  at  that  time,  can  be  eliminated  as  the  motive  of 
an  execution  which  took  place  three  years  later,  unless  those 
same  feelings  persisted,  wholly  or  in  part;  which  was  not 
the  case.  Secondly,  it  may  be  safely  asserted,  that  even  if 
he  had  been  put  to  death  then,  he  would  have  been  a  martyr 
of  charity.  To  deliberately  accept  death  in  order  to  save 
one's  brethren  from  being  wantonly  massacred  by  im- 
placable savages  led  by  an  apostate  Christian,  is  heroic  virtue 
fully  worthy  of  canonization.  Let  a  prisoner  in  the  hands 
of  a  civilized  enemy  do  something  like  that  to  save  his 
countrymen  and  he  will  be  immortalized  as  the  nation's 
hero.  Thirdly,  anyone  acquainted  with  the  code  of  Indian 
ethics  knows  that  once  wampum  belts  are  exchanged,  all 
causes  of  complaint,  past  and  present,  are  obliterated.  That 
was  their  recognized  purpose.  They  were  treaties  of  peace, 
and  an  Indian  accepting  them  would  not  remember  the 
death  of  his  own  brother.  We  have  notable  examples  of 
this  in  Indian  history.  It  was  even  adopted  by  the  whites 
themselves.  Thus  Kondiaronk,  "  The  Rat,"  was  made  a 
captain  of  French  troops,  and  was  buried  with  unusual 
honors  after  having  deliberately  caused  the  most  bloody 
massacre  in  all  Canadian  history.  We  have  another  instance 
in  the  case  of  Ouraouhara,  the  Iroquois,  who  after  having 
been  sent  to  the  galleys  in  France  was  trusted  by  Denon- 
ville  as  his  special  envoy.  Hence,  after  the  presents  were 
exchanged  later  on  at  Three  Rivers,  and  Jogues  was  chosen 
as  the  ambassador  of  France,  all  past  offences,  real  or  imagi- 

23 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

nary,  were  not  only  condoned  but  forgotten,  and  had  no 
influence  whatever  on  subsequent  negotiations.  Moreover, 
he  was  killed  not  by  the  Mohawks  as  such — and  they  were 
the  ones  who  had  suffered  harm: — but  by  a  few  fanatics  of 
the  Bear  family,  in  spite  of  the  protest  of  the  nation;  and 
for  no  other  reason  than  that  he  was  a  sorcerer  who  was 
making  the  okis  and  manitous  of  the  Mohawks  powerless. 
To  die  for  that  is  to  die  for  the  faith. 

The  Dutch  were  aware  of  his  impending  death,  and  a 
positive  order  came  from  Governor  Kieft  of  Manhattan  to 
the  commandant  at  Fort  Orange  to  secure  his  release  at  all 
risks.  Consequently,  when,  a  short  time  afterwards,  Jogues 
arrived  at  the  Fort  with  his  captors,  the  commandant  in- 
sisted that  he  should  escape,  promising  that  if  he  once  got 
on  board  the  vessel  which  was  lying  in  the  river  he  would 
be  landed  safely  in  France. 

To  his  amazement  Jogues  refused.  He  could  not  desert 
his  post.  He  had  written  in  that  sense  to  his  Superior  in 
Quebec.  The  worthy  and  perhaps  wrathy  Dutchman 
remonstrated  that  it  was  throwing  away  his  life  uselessly. 
The  Mohawks  would  not  talk  to  him  any  longer  about  re- 
ligious matters,  nor  would  they  let  him  approach  the  Huron 
or  other  captives;  and  finally,  he  was  made  to  understand 
that  his  death  was  not  to  be  deferred,  but  was  to  take  place  as 
soon  as  he  got  back  to  Ossernenon.  He  listened  to  all  this 
and  then  spent  all  night  in  prayer  considering  what  course 
was  most  in  conformity  with  the  glory  of  God  and  the  good 
of  souls.  In  the  morning  he  presented  himself  to  the  com- 
mandant. He  would  escape  and  return  again  when  peace 
was  restored. 

It  was  arranged  that  during  the  night  he  should  steal  out 
of  the  place  where  he  had  to  sleep  among  the  Iroquois.  A 
small  boat  would  be  waiting  on  the  shore,  and  he  could 
paddle  to  the  ship  whose  sailors  had  sworn  to  defend  him. 
All  seemed  easy  except  the  first  step.  The  structure  where 
the  Indians  passed  the  night  with  their  prisoner  was  a 

24 


ISAAC  JOGUES. 

wooden  building  about  100  feet  long,  one  end  of  which  was 
used  as  the  house  of  a  settler  who  had  married  a  squaw; 
the  rest  being  occupied  by  the  Mohawks.  Going  out  at 
nightfall  to  explore  the  ground,  the  poor  captive  was  nearly 
devoured  by  dogs,  and  hastily  retreated  to  the  cabin.  The 
charitable  Dutchman  bandaged  his  wounds  in  a  rough 
fashion,  but  the  Indians,  suspicious  that  something  was 
going  on,  securely  barred  the  door  and  lay  down  to  sleep 
alongside  of  him.  Hour  after  hour  passed,  and  he  heard 
the  cock  crow  announcing  the  morning.  All  hope  was  gone, 
when  suddenly  a  door  opened  at  the  other  end,  and  a  white 
man  appeared.  Making  signs  to  him  to  quiet  the  dogs, 
Jogues  stealthily  picked  his  way  over  the  prostrate  forms 
of  the  savages — he  would  have  been  tomahawked  if  he 
awakened  them — and  succeeded  in  getting  into  the  open. 
It  is  characteristic  of  the  man  that  before  he  began  this  race 
for  life,  he  tucked  somewhere  in  his  miserable  rags  a  wooden 
cross  he  had  made  and  two  little  books  of  devotion  which 
he  had  found.  There  was  a  fence  to  be  cleared  which  he 
clambered  over,  and  then  running  as  fast  as  his  mangled 
legs  would  allow,  made  for  the  river,  reaching  it  in  an  ex- 
hausted state;  but  alas!  the  boat  was  high  and  dry  in  the 
mud.  He  cried  out  to  the  vessel  in  the  stream,  but  no  one 
heard  him.  The  sailors  were  asleep.  At  last  by  super- 
human efforts  he  got  the  boat  into  the  water,  and  soon  after 
climbed  up  the  ship's  side,  a  free  man.  He  was  more  than 
welcome,  but  his  happiness  was  brief.  Furious  at  the  escape 
of  their  prisoner,  the  Mohawks  threatened  to  burn  the  settle- 
ment, but  the  commandant  laughed  at  them.  He  knew  per- 
fectly well  they  would  not  dare  to  risk  a  war  with  the  Dutch 
while  they  were  fighting  with  the  French.  Nevertheless,  for 
reasons  hard  to  understand,  Father  Jogues  was  compelled 
to  come  ashore  in  the  night,  though  the  faithful  sailors 
were  loud  in  their  condemnation  of  the  act,  and  was  hidden 
in  one  of  the  houses  while  the  Indians  were  parleyed  with, 
and  finally  induced  to  relinquish  their  claim  on  him  by  the 

25 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

payment  of  300  livres.  But  his  whereabouts  was  kept 
secret  for  fear  of  his  being  tomahawked,  and  for  six  weeks 
he  lay  in  a  garret  within  a  few  feet  of  the  Indians,  who 
entered  the  house  at  pleasure.  Often  the  slightest  move- 
ment or  a  moan  would  have  betrayed  him.  The  ship,  mean- 
time, had  departed,  and  the  unhappy  prisoner  was  subjected 
to  the  most  brutal  treatment  by  the  boor  into  whose  charge 
he  had  been  given.  Had  it  not  been  for  the  kindness  of 
the  famous  minister,  Dominie  Megapolensis,  he  would  have 
died  of  ill-treatment  and  starvation. 

The  Dominie  was  a  conspicuous  character  among  the 
Dutch  of  Governor  Kieft's  time.  He  was  more  than  kind 
in  this  instance,  and  an  affectionate  intimacy  sprung  up  be- 
tween him  and  Father  Jogues;  the  priest  laboring  strenu- 
ously for  his  conversion,  and  the  Dominie  showing  him 
every  consideration.  In  fact  he  was  so  outspoken  in  praise 
of  Jogues  that  he  had  to  answer  a  charge  before  the  Classis 
of  Manhattan  of  being  a  Jesuit.  His  reply  may  be  found 
in  the  New  York  State  papers,  indignantly  repelling  the 
accusation. 

At  last  another  vessel  was  ready  to  sail,  and  Father 
Jogues  was  conducted  on  board  by  the  chief  men  of  the 
colony  and  he  and  the  Dominie  came  down  together  to  Man- 
hattan Island.  The  crew  were  jubilant.  They  all  loved 
and  admired  Jogues  and  "  half-way  down,"  he  says,  "  they 
celebrated  my  release  by  stopping  at  an  island  which  they 
called  by  my  name,  and  gave  evidence  of  their  pleasure  by 
the  discharge  of  cannon  and  the  uncorking  of  bottles."  We 
have  no  more  indication  than  that  of  what  the  island  was 
which  was  "  half-way  down  the  Hudson,"  and  which  was 
christened  in  such  a  cordial  fashion. 

Where  is  this  island  that  is  described  as  "  half-way  down 
the  Hudson  "  ?  There  is  no  other  piece  of  land  that  fits  in 
with  this  geographical  indication  except  that  which  is  now 
known  as  Esopus  Island.  Thither  the  Jesuit  novices  from 
West  Park  used  to  go  on  holidays,  and  had  no  doubt  that 

26 


ISAAC  JOGUES. 

they  stood  on  the  holy  ground  where  Father  Jogues  had 
been — 265  years  before.  It  lies  in  the  centre  of  the  river, 
and  is  within  the  corporate  limits  of  Ulster  County.  It  is 
about  half  a  mile  long,  and  probably  one  hundred  feet  at 
its  greatest  width.  It  is  composed  mostly  of  trap  and  sand- 
stone rock.  On  the  south  end  there  is  a  cleft  forming  a 
landing-place  on  a  sandy  beach  where  it  is  safe  for  boats 
to  ride,  while  on  the  northern  end  of  the  island  there  is 
a  formation  shaped  like  a  mackerel's  tail,  giving  the  island 
the  appearance  of  a  huge  fish  lying  on  top  of  the  water. 
Legend  says  that  the  island  in  early  days  was  known  from 
its  peculiar  formation  as  Fish  Island.  The  sides  rise  pre- 
cipitously from  the  water,  forming  a  battlement  on  both 
sides,  and  there  is  no  place  where  a  boat  could  land.  The 
surface  is  covered  with  stunted  oaks.  Near  the  north  end 
is  a  smooth  greensward,  around  which  the  great  stones 
standing  on  edge  form  battlements  and  give  the  place  the 
appearance  of  a  fort. 

More  than  likely  this  was  the  island  to  which  the  good- 
natured  Dutchmen  gave  Father  Jogues'  name.  But  in 
course  of  time  other  stories  began  to  cluster  about  it.  Cap- 
tain Kidd  is  said  to  have  hidden  his  treasures  there,  and  on 
the  eastern  edge,  in  a  green  and  level  place,  stands  a  stunted 
pine  known  far  and  wide  as  Captain  Kidd's  tree.  All  sorts 
of  gruesome  stories  have  been  invented  about  how  the  bold 
buccaneer  buried  his  millions  of  doubloons  somewhere  on 
the  island  and  left  them  to  the  care  of  the  Prince  of  Dark- 
ness. Captain  Kidd  and  Father  Jogues  are  very  positive 
opposites. 

After  six  days  they  reached  New  York,  where  the  Gov- 
ernor gave  him  a  most  honorable  reception,  seated  him  at 
table  beside  the  Dominie,  provided  for  his  wants  and  fur- 
nished him  with  suitable  clothing  to  replace  the  ragged  and 
half-savage  costume  in  which  he  was  attired.  Naturally 
the  presence  of  a  priest  and  a  Jesuit  on  Manhattan  Island, 
especially  with  all  the  marks  of  his  terrible  sufferings  upon 

27 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

him,  caused  a  profound  sensation  among  the  colonists.  They 
crowded  around  him  to  ask  about  his  captivity,  and  it  is 
narrated  that,  on  one  occasion,  a  young  man  fell  at  his  feet 
and,  kissing  the  mangled  hands  of  the  priest,  exclaimed: 
"Martyr  of  Jesus  Christ!  Martyr  of  Jesus  Christ!" 
"Are  you  a  Catholic?"  asked  Jogues.  "No,  I  am  a 
Lutheran,  but  I  recognize  you  as  one  who  has  suffered  for 
the  Master." 

There  were  two  Catholics  in  New  York  at  that  time — 
one  the  Portuguese  wife  of  the  Ensign,  who,  singularly 
enough,  had  a  picture  of  St.  Aloysius  in  her  room;  the 
other  was  an  Irishman  who  had  come  up  from  Maryland. 
He  gave  Father  Jogues  intelligence  about  the  Jesuits  there 
and  profited  by  the  occasion  to  perform  his  religious  duties. 

The  official  documents  of  the  State  of  New  York  have 
embodied  Jogues'  lengthy  account  of  the  colony  as  he  saw 
it  during  the  month  he  remained  with  his  Dutch  friends. 
He  happened  to  be  there  just  when  a  war  was  going  on 
with  the  neighboring  Indians,  eighty  of  whom  had  been 
killed  in  one  encounter  and  sixteen  hundred  in  another ;  but 
he  merely  mentions  it  without  going  into  details.  About 
the  material  condition  of  the  colony  he  is  more  explicit. 
"  Manhattan,"  he  says,  "  is  seven  leagues  in  circuit,  and  on 
it  is  a  fort  to  serve  as  a  commencement  of  a  town  to  be  built 
there  and  to  be  called  New  Amsterdam."  His  practiced 
eye  takes  in  the  defects  of  the  construction,  and  no  doubt 
he  compared  it  with  the  one  he  himself  had  built  on  Lake 
Huron.  "  It  is  at  the  point  of  the  island.  It  has  four 
regular  bastions,  mounted  with  several  pieces  of  artillery. 
All  these  bastions  and  the  curtains  were  in  1643  only 
mounds;  most  of  them  had  already  crumbled  away  so  that 
it  was  possible  to  enter  the  fort  on  all  sides.  There  were 
no  ditches.  The  garrison  for  that  and  another  fort  further 
up  consisted  of  sixty  soldiers.  They  were  beginning  to  face 
the  gates  and  bastions  with  stone.  Within  the  fort  there 
was  a  pretty  large  church,  the  house  of  the  Governor,  quite 

28 


ISAAC  JOGUES. 

neatly  built  of  brick,  and  also  storehouses  and  barracks." 
The  Governor  told  him  that  there  were  people  on  the 
island  speaking  eighteen  different  languages.  "  No  religion 
is  publicly  exercised  but  the  Calvinist,  and  orders  are  to 
admit  none  but  Calvinists;  but  this  is  not  observed.  There 
are  in  the  colony  besides  Calvinists,  Catholics,  Puritans, 
Lutherans,  Anabaptists  who  are  called  Mnistes,  etc."  He 
describes  the  character  of  the  river,  the  ships  in  the  harbor ; 
the  exposed  position  of  many  of  the  settlers,  the  method  of 
colonization,  the  climate,  etc. ;  and  then  reverts  to  what  he 
had  seen  further  up  the  river  at  Fort  Orange.  "  The  settle- 
ment of  the  Renselaers  is  a  little  fort  built  of  logs  with  four 
or  five  pieces  of  cannon  and  as  many  swivels.  The  colony 
is  composed  of  about  100  persons  in  25  or  thirty  houses 
which  are  built  along  the  river.  They  are  merely  of  boards, 
and  thatched  roofs,  and  with  no  mason-work  except  the 
chimneys." 

Finally  the  wretched  little  vessel  which  the  Governor 
was  hurrying  to  get  ready  to  bring  the  news  to  the  home 
government  about  the  Indian  aggressions  weighed  anchor 
in  the  river.  It  was  a  lugger  of  only  fifty  tons  burthen,  and 
left  the  harbor  of  Manhattan  on  the  5th  of  November,  so 
that  in  mid-winter,  with  thin  and  wretched  clothing  and 
with  nowhere  to  rest  his  aching  limbs  but  the  deck  on  a 
coil  of  rope,  or  in  the  offensive  hold,  the  poor  sufferer  was 
tossed  on  the  waves  of  the  Atlantic  until  the  end  of  De- 
cember, 1643,  when  after  frightful  sufferings  the  vessel 
entered  the  harbor  of  Falmouth  in  Cornwall  hotly  pursued 
by  some  of  Cromwell's  ships,  for  the  rebellion  was  then  in 
progress  against  Charles  I. 

Left  alone  on  the  ship,  he  was  robbed  at  the  pistol's  point 
of  most  of  his  poor  belongings  by  marauders  who  boarded 
the  vessel.  Later  on,  a  compassionate  Frenchman  whom 
he  met  on  shore  obtained  a  free  passage  for  him  across  the 
Channel  on  a  collier — a  favor  grudgingly  accorded.  On 
Christmas  morning,  1643,  when  the  bells  were  ringing  for 

29 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

Mass,  he  was  flung  on  the  coast  of  his  native  country  some- 
where in  Brittany.  The  exact  place  cannot  be  identified 
from  the  indications  which  he  has  left.  Some  poor  peasants 
saw  the  ragged  and  emaciated  creature  standing  on  the 
beach  and  fancied  he  was  an  Irish  refugee  escaping  from 
the  Cromwellians.  Finding  to  their  astonishment  that  he 
was  a  Frenchman  and  a  priest,  they  gave  him  some  decent 
wearing  apparel  and  went  with  him  to  the  church,  where 
for  the  first  time  since  his  capture  at  Three  Rivers  he  was 
able  to  go  to  confession  and  communion.  The  maimed  con- 
dition of  his  hands  precluded  his  saying  Mass. 

It  took  him  eight  days  after  that  to  reach  the  College  of 
Rennes,  helped  on  his  journey  by  some  charitable  soul  who 
took  pity  on  him.  He  arrived  there  early  in  the  morning 
of  the  Epiphany  and  asked  the  porter  to  inform  the  Rector 
that  he  had  news  from  Canada.  Hearing  the  magic  word 
"  Canada,"  the  Rector,  though  about  to  say  Mass,  laid  aside 
his  vestments  and  hurried  to  the  door.  "  Do  you  come 
from  Canada?"  he  asked  the  dilapidated  and  ragged  man 
before  him.  "  I  do,"  was  the  answer.  "  Do  you  know 
Father  Jogues?"  "Very  well,  indeed."  "Is  he  alive  or 
dead?  "  "  He  is  alive."  "  Where  is  he?  "  "  I  am  he," 
was  the  reply. 

The  amazement  and  joy  of  the  household  may  be 
imagined  as  they  crowded  around  him  to  embrace  him,  to 
kiss  his  mangled  hands  and  kneel  for  his  blessing.  They 
led  him  to  the  chapel  and  intoned  the  Te  Deum  for  the 
dead  who  had  come  back  to  them. 

The  news  of  the  missionary's  return  rapidly  spread 
throughout  France.  Everyone  was  speaking  of  him;  and 
the  Queen  Regent  Anne  of  Austria,  the  mother  of  Louis 
XIV,  intimated  her  desire  to  see  him,  but  was  compelled  to 
express  her  wish  more  than  once  before  Father  Jogues  could 
be  induced  to  be  the  subject  of  such  a  public  distinction. 
Who  were  present  at  the  famous  audience?  We  have  no 
details  about  it,  but  we  know  that  Conde  and  Turrenne  were 

30 


ANNE  OF  AUSTRIA,  QUEEN   REGENT  OF  FRANCE. 


ISAAC  JOGUES. 

then  in  their  young  manhood;  that  St.  Vincent  de  Paul 
was  chief  almoner  of  the  Queen,  and  that  possibly  they 
with  many  other  of  the  most  famous  personages  of  the 
realm — for  the  interest  in  him  was  universal — may  have 
been  near  the  throne  when,  humbled  and  abashed,  with  his 
hands  concealed  in  the  folds  of  his  cloak,  he  entered  the 
royal  presence.  He  replied  very  slowly  and  reluctantly  to  the 
various  inquiries  about  his  adventures,  and  when  at  last  he 
was  compelled  to  show  his  mutilated  hands,  and  tell  of  the 
hideous  way  in  which  the  fingers  had  been  eaten  or  burned 
off,  the  Queen,  descending  from  her  throne,  took  his  hands 
in  hers  and  with  tears  streaming  down  her  cheeks,  devoutly 
kissed  the  mutilated  members  and  exclaimed :  "  People 
write  romances  for  us — but  was  there  ever  a  romance  like 
this?  and  it  is  all  true." 

Public  exhibitions  of  this  kind,  however,  were  like  Iro- 
quois  torture  for  Father  Jogues.  He  became  exceedingly 
sensitive  about  it,  and  those  who  called  to  see  him  were 
warned  by  the  Superiors  not  to  refer  to  his  sufferings.  He 
even  refused  to  visit  his  own  people.  Apparently  he  did 
not  see  his  "  Honored  Mother,"  though  perhaps  she  was 
dead  then.  But  what  grieved  him  most  was  that,  on  ac- 
count of  the  condition  of  his  hands,  he  was  forever  debarred 
from  saying  Mass.  His  friends  did  not  leave  him  long  in 
that  distress,  but  sent  a  petition  to  the  Holy  Father  to  re- 
move the  canonical  impediment.  The  answer  quickly  came  : 
"  Indigmim  esset  martyr  em  Christi,  Christi  non  bibere  san- 
guinem"  "  It  would  be  wrong  to  prevent  the  martyr  of 
Christ  from  drinking  the  blood  of  Christ."  It  is  noteworthy 
that  this  quasi-canonization  was  pronounced  by  Urban  VIII, 
the  very  Pope  who  has  laid  down  such  stringent  laws  on 
the  canonization  of  saints. 

What  his  feelings  were  when  this  privilege  came  we  do 
not  know.  He  has  left  us  a  record  about  his  first  Mass  in 
Canada.  With  regard  to  this  first  Mass  on  his  return  to 
France  he  is  silent. 

31 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

Naturally  one  should  fancy  that  this  battered  warrior 
would  now  rest  on  the  laurels  which  he  had  won.  On  the 
contrary  he  was  on  board  the  first  vessel  that  left  France 
for  America.  He  had  plenty  to  do  on  the  voyage.  The 
sea  was  tempestuous,  but  a  worse  storm  arose  among  the 
sailors.  They  were  in  mutiny,  and  had  it  not  been  for 
Jogues'  ascendancy  over  them,  the  captain  might  have  been 
thrown  overboard.  The  ship  was  thought  to  be  unsea- 
worthy,  and  the  men  insisted  on  turning  back.  Influenced 
by  the  persuasive  words  of  their  holy  passenger,  they  aban- 
doned their  purpose,  and  reached  Quebec  in  June,  1644. 

Maisonneuve  was  just  then  making  his  splendid  fight 
behind  the  stockades  of  Montreal,  and  thither  Jogues  was 
sent,  to  keep  up  the  courage  of  the  defenders  and  help  the 
sick  and  dying.  Finally  the  Indians  asked  for  a  parley,  and 
a  conference  was  called  at  Three  Rivers,  for  July  12,  to 
arrange  the  terms  of  peace. 

Among  the  Indians  and  wearing  their  dress  was  William 
Couture,  the  donne  who  had  been  captured  with  Father 
Jogues  two  years  before.  He  had  been  adopted  by  the 
tribe  and  was  now  coming  as  its  envoy.  He  never  returned 
to  his  Indian  life,  but  settled  down  in  Canada,  married,  and 
lived  to  the  age  of  ninety. 

The  Council  assembled  under  a  great  tent  in  the  court- 
yard of  the  fort.  In  the  most  prominent  place  sat  Mont- 
magny ;  before  him  in  the  centre  were  the  Iroquois  deputies, 
while  back  of  them  stood  the  Algonquins,  Montagnais,  and 
Attikameges,  the  Hurons  and  French  being  on  either  side. 
The  chief  orator  was  Kiotsaeton,  who  appeared  covered 
with  wampum  belts,  and  very  proud  of  his  official  position. 
His  speech  was  a  notable  one,  and  those  who  wish  to  study 
Indian  eloquence  may  find  it  in  detail  in  the  Relations,  with 
comments  by  Father  Vimont,  who  calls  attention  especially 
to  the  wonderful  pantomime  of  this  American  Demosthenes. 
When  he  came  to  the  fifteenth  belt  he  walked  up  to  Mont- 
magny  and  presented  it,  saying  that  it  was  to  wipe  out  the 

32 


ISAAC  JOGUES. 

memory  of  the  ill-treatment  of  Father  Jogues.  "  We 
wished,"  he  said,  with  splendid  mendacity,  not  knowing 
that  Jogues  was  listening  to  him,  "  to  bring  him  back  to 
you.  We  do  not  know  what  has  become  of  him.  Perhaps 
he  has  been  swallowed  up  by  the  waves,  or  fallen  a  victim 
to  some  cruel  enemy.  But  the  Mohawks  did  not  put  him 
to  death."  Jogues  merely  whispered  to  his  neighbor  that 
the  stake  had  been  prepared  all  the  same.  Apparently  he 
did  not  let  himself  be  known,  and  when  the  treaty  was  made 
and  the  games  and  banquets  began,  he  had  already  gone 
back  to  his  work.  He  had  seen  too  much  of  Indian  revelry 
to  be  tempted  to  stay.  It  was  decided  in  the  Council  to 
send  an  ambassador  to  the  Mohawks  to  obtain  the  assent 
of  the  tribe  to  the  concessions  made  by  the  deputies.  All 
eyes  turned  on  Jogues.  He  alone  knew  the  language,  and 
in  due  time  he  received  a  letter  from  his  Superior  assigning 
him  the  task.  The  common  of  mortals  will  be  thankful  to 
him  when  they  read  in  his  letter  that  he  confessed  to  a 
shudder  when  he  learned  of  the  appointment.  Of  course 
his  official  character  as  ambassador  would  protect  him.  But 
he  was  also  a  priest  and  the  Iroquois  knew  it.  In  fact,  the 
Christian  Algonquins  came  to  him  to  express  their '  fear 
about  his  going,  and  advised  him  not  to  speak  of  the  Faith 
in  his  first  interview.  "  There  is  nothing,"  they  said, 
"  more  repulsive  at  first  than  this  doctrine,  which  seems  to 
uproot  all  that  men  hold  dear,  and  as  your  long  robe 
preaches  as  much  as  your  lips,  it  will  be  prudent  to  travel 
in  a  shorter  habit."  This  is  the  first  example  of  the  "  clerical 
garb  "  difficulty  in  New  York.  It  is  at  the  same  time  a 
very  valuable  testimony  as  to  why  Jogues  was  put  to  death. 
When  he  appeared  as  a  layman  and  an  ambassador  he  was 
treated  with  honor,  as  we  shall  see;  when  he  went  imme- 
diately afterwards  with  his  cassock  and  cross  he  was  toma- 
hawked, and  he  unwittingly  precipitated  the  disaster  by  not 
adhering  strictly  to  the  advice  of  the  Algonquins.  He 
brought  with  him  the  famous  box  with  its  religious  articles, 
3  33 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

and  the  Iroquois  saw  that  his  office  of  ambassador  had  not 
done  away  with  his  priestly  character.  They  found  out 
also  that  while  at  Ossernenon  on  this  visit  he  had  secretly 
baptized  some  dying  children  and  had  heard  the  confessions 
of  the  captive  Hurons.  Evidently  he  had  some  other  pur- 
pose besides  that  of  making  peace. 

It  took  some  time  before  the  embassy  started;  for  there 
was  much  squabbling  between  the  French  and  Iroquois  as 
to  whether  the  Algonquins  were  included  in  the  treaty,  and 
for  a  moment  there  was  imminent  danger  of  all  the  negotia- 
tions coming  to  naught.  In  fact  it  was  almost  two  years 
after  the  conference,  namely,  on  May  16,  1646,  that  Father 
Jogues,  accompanied  by  one  of  Canada's  conspicuous  col- 
onists, Jean  Bourdon,  left  Three  Rivers  with  their  Indian 
guides.  They  reached  Lake  Andarocte,  or  what  is  now 
Lake  George.  Jogues  had  been  there  three  years  before, 
but  he  could  not  then  see  its  beauty,  as  he  lay  bleeding  to 
death  in  the  bottom  of  an  Indian  canoe.  But  now,  when 
he  beheld  it  in  all  the  splendor  with  which  summer  had 
clothed  the  woods  in  which  it  was  embedded,  and  gazed 
around  at  the  countless  garden-like  islands  reflected  on  its 
surface,  he  gave  it  a  name;  one  suggested  by  the  day  on 
which  he  found  himself  crossing  the  beautiful  expanse.  It 
happened  to  be  the  eve  of  Corpus  Christi,  and  he  therefore 
called  it  the  Lake  of  the  Blessed  Sacrament.  It  kept  that 
name  for  almost  a  century  until  a  Protestant  Irishman,  Sir 
William  Johnson,  to  gain  favor  with  the  English  king, 
changed  it  to  Lake  George.  It  is  most  unlikely  that  it  will 
ever  recover  the  historically  appropriate  designation  given 
to  it  by  the  holy  missionary,  or  even  that  Gilmary  Shea's 
suggestion  of  changing  Lake  George  to  Lake  Jogues  will 
ever  be  carried  out. 

The  travellers  did  not  take  the  trail  by  Saratoga,  but 
swerved  over  towards  the  Hudson,  to  what  is  now  Beaver 
Dam,  then  a  fishing  settlement  of  the  Mohawks.  There 
Father  Jogues  had  the  happiness  of  meeting  the  Indian  girl 

34 


ISAAC  JOGUES. 

Theresa,  who  had  been  captured  at  the  same  time  as  himself 
on  the  St.  Lawrence.  She  had  remained  as  good  and  pious 
in  her  savage  surroundings  as  she  had  been  in  the  nunnery 
at  Quebec.  She  had  been  protected  by  an  uncle  for  some 
time  until  she  married  a  warrior  of  the  tribe.  Her  de- 
light at  meeting  Father  Jogues  may  be  imagined,  and  he 
made  haste  to  tell  her  that  his  first  care  would  be  to  purchase 
her  freedom.  The  freedom  indeed  was  granted,  but  its 
execution  was  never  carried  out;  and  we  meet  her  again 
years  afterward  in  the  Onondaga  country,  where  Father 
Le  Moyne  saw  her  and  told  his  friends  in  Quebec  of  the 
wonderful  holiness  of  her  life.  She  never  reached  her  own 
country. 

The  party  then  proceeded  down  the  Hudson,  and  passed 
through  Fort  Orange,  or  Albany,  a  familiar  place  for 
Jogues,  who  was  glad  to  see  and  thank  his  old  friends,  and 
reimburse  them  for  the  money  they  had  expended  on  his 
ransom.  On  June  5  he  reached  Ossernenon  after  a  three 
weeks'  journey  from  the  St.  Lawrence.  His  arrival  was  the 
occasion  of  surprise  and  delight  for  his  former  captors. 
The  council  was  held  on  the  10th.  He  was  the  principal 
orator,  and  assured  his  ancient  enemies  "  that  the  council 
fires  lighted  at  Three  Rivers  would  never  be  extinguished." 
"  Here,"  he  said,  "  are  5,000  beads  of  wampum,  to  break 
the  fetters  of  the  young  Frenchmen  you  hold  as  captives, 
and  5,000  more  for  Theresa,  that  both  may  be  set  free." 
All  the  arrangements  made  at  Three  Rivers  were  acquiesced 
in,  and  the  treaty  formally  concluded.  The  Wolf  clan  was 
particularly  attentive  to  him  and  made  him  a  special  present, 
saying :  "  You  shall  always  have  among  us  a  mat  to  rest 
upon  and  a  fire  to  warm  you,"  a  manifestation  of  friendship 
which  shows  that  the  tribe  as  such  did  not  remember  the 
incident  of  Fort  Richelieu. 

There  were  several  Onondagas  present,  and  Jogues  made 
an  earnest  and  successful  effort  to  win  their  favor.  He 
offered  them  presents,  which  they  accepted,  and  he  induced 

35 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

them  to  promise  at  the  same  time  to  receive  missionaries 
for  their  tribes.  They  of  their  own  accord  indicated  the 
safest  way  to  travel,  viz.,  not  through  the  Mohawk  country 
but  by  the  St.  Lawrence.  It  was  probably  this  acceptance 
of  the  belts  that  enabled  Le  Moyne  and  his  associates  later 
on  to  announce  the  gospel  among  the  Onondagas. 

On  June  16  the  ambassadors  left  Ossernenon,  going  by 
trail  to  the  Lake  of  the  Blessed  Sacrament,  and  reaching 
Quebec  on  July  3.  Bourdon  received  valuable  land  grants 
as  his  reward  for  making  the  treaty.  Jogues  received  the 
reward  of  death,  for  he  asked  immediately  to  return  as  mis- 
sionary to  the  Mohawks.  The  request  was  long  and 
seriously  considered,  for  the  bloodthirsty  and  unreliable 
character  of  the  Mohawks  was  a  matter  of  common  knowl- 
edge. At  last,  on  September  27,  he  left  Quebec  for  the  Iro- 
quois  territory,  his  Superiors  giving  it  then  the  name  of 
"  The  Mission  of  Martyrs  " ;  for  said  they,  "  It  is  credible 
if  the  enterprise  succeed  for  the  salvation  of  this  people,  it 
will  not  produce  fruit  before  they  be  sprinkled  with  the 
blood  of  martyrs."  Evidently  Father  Jogues  was  convinced 
of  it,  for  on  bidding  farewell  to  a  friend  he  wrote  the  mem- 
orable words :  "  Ibo  sed  non  redibo  " — "  I  go  but  I  shall 
not  return."  The  utterance  is  remarkable  inasmuch  as  it 
did  not  mean  that  he  was  going  to  remain  indefinitely,  for 
his  instructions  were  merely  "  to  winter  "  there.  He  did 
not  even  purpose  to  say  Mass  during  this  visit,  for  he 
brought  no  vestments  with  him. 

Was  his  fate  revealed  to  him?  Did  he  foresee  what  was 
to  happen?  The  Venerable  Marie  de  1'Incarnation  declared 
that  in  her  opinion  his  words  were  a  veritable  prophecy. 
Ordinary  people  will  read  that  meaning  into  it  also. 

.With  him  were  some  Huron  guides  and  a  jeune  garqon 
named  Lalande — a  donne  like  Goupil,  who  wanted  to  die 
for  the  faith.  Before  they  reached  Ossernenon  the  news 
came  that  the  Mohawks  had  dug  up  the  hatchet.  Jogues' 
box  had  started  the  war. 

36 


ISAAC  JOGUES. 

Indeed  he  had  been  apprehensive  of  such  a  calamity  on 
his  previous  visit,  for  he  had  shown  its  contents  to  the  Mo- 
hawks before  he  left,  so  as  to  allay  their  suspicions  which  he 
perceived  were  aroused  even  then.  He  saw,  too  late,  that 
he  had  made  a  mistake  in  trusting  to  his  own  judgment  and 
not  following  the  advice  of  his  Algonquin  friends ;  for  the 
box  was  a  declaration  to  the  Iroquois  that  he  was  still  a 
priest,  and  hence  when  the  pestilence  broke  out,  and  the 
crops  withered,  the  savage  inference  was  rapid;  viz.,  the 
evil  came  from  the  mysterious  box.  They  hastened  to  get 
rid  of  it,  and  threw  it  in  the  river.  But  that  very  mistake, 
fatal  as  it  was,  serves  to  establish  beyond  any  doubt  that 
their  wrath  was  aroused  against  him,  not  because  he  was  a 
white  man,  or  a  Frenchman,  or  a  friend  of  the  Hurons,  or 
because  he  had  revealed  their  plans  to  Montmagny,  but 
solely  and  absolutely  because  his  Manitou  had  wrought  them 
harm.  That  "  manitou  "  was  Christianity  as  they  conceived 
it.  In  their  eyes  he  was  displacing  their  ancestral  gods, 
and  in  the  wilds  of  America  they  did  precisely  what  the  old 
Romans  did  when  they  strove  to  crush  out  the  Christian 
"  superstition ;  "  nothing  more  nor  less. 

As  soon  as  his  guides  were  apprised  of  what  had  hap- 
pened they  took  to  flight.  But  he  kept  on  his  way,  though 
he  might  have  easily  saved  himself  by  returning  to  Quebec. 
By  his  side  walked  the  faithful  Lalande.  Two  days  more 
would  have  brought  them  to  Ossernenon  when  the  Iroquois 
met  them.  Approaching  them  was  the  sorcerer  Ondessonk 
in  his  priest's  garb.  He  was  no  longer  an  ambassador  but 
a  priest,  bent  on  teaching  them  the  religion  which  they  not 
only  hated  but  which  had  brought  disaster  on  their  nation, 
and  they  fell  upon  him,  stripped  him  of  his  garments,  slashed 
him  with  their  knives,  and  led  him,  mangled  and  bleeding, 
to  the  very  place  where  he  had  been  so  honored  when  in 
another  capacity  he  stood  there  that  summer. 

The  old  Jesuit  associates  of  Jogues  call  attention  to  a 
very  remarkable  and  almost  startling  parallel  between  this 

37 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

scene  in  the  forests  of  the  Mohawk  and  another  memorable 
one  in  the  streets  of  Jerusalem.  Surrounded  by  his  enemies, 
Christ  asked :  "  Why  do  you  wish  to  kill  me  ?  "  and  they 
answered :  "  Because  you  have  a  devil."  To  which  He 
replied :  "  I  have  not  a  devil ;  but  I  honor  My  Father,  and 
you  dishonor  Him." 

Father  Jogues  could  scarcely  have  been  reflecting  upon 
the  import  of  the  words  that  rose  to  his  own  lips  when  the 
Indian  knives  were  slashing  his  body,  but  he  uttered  almost 
the  same  words  as  those  of  our  Saviour.  "  Let  us  see," 
said  one  of  the  savages  as  he  cut  off  a  strip  of  the  victim's 
flesh,  "  if  this  white  flesh  is  the  flesh  of  a  Manitou."  "  No," 
he  replied,  "  I  am  a  man  like  you  all.  Why  do  you  put  me 
to  death?  I  have  come  to  your  country  to  teach  you  the 
way  to  heaven,  and  you  treat  me  like  a  wild  beast."  It  was 
merely  a  difference  of  place.  For  the  Iroquois  Jognes  had 
a  Manitou;  for  the  Pharisees  Christ  had  a  devil;  and  for 
that  they  put  Him  to  death.  The  servant  was  indeed  very 
like  his  Master. 

A  council  was  held  at  Tionnontoguen  to  decide  what  was 
to  be  done,  and  it  is  noteworthy  that  the  famous  Kiotsaeton, 
who  had  spoken  so  eloquently  and  so  mendaciously  in  the 
peace  conference  at  Three  Rivers,  was  the  priest's  chief 
defender.  Both  the  Wolf  and  the  Tortoise  family  were 
against  putting  the  victim  to  death,  as  were  most  of  the 
Bears,  and  the  official  verdict  arrived  at  was  to  spare  his 
life.  But  one  faction  of  the  Bears  clamored  for  his  blood, 
and  were  determined  to  have  it  in  spite  of  the  reasoning 
and  pleading  of  the  rest  of  the  tribe. 

It  is  comforting  to  see,  in  the  gloom  and  confusion  of 
this  last  act  of  the  tragedy,  the  sympathetic  figure  of  the 
kind  old  squaw,  Father  Jogues'  "  Aunt,"  going  around  over- 
whelmed with  grief,  and  begging  pathetically  with  tears  in 
her  eyes  for  her  "  nephew's  "  life.  "  Kill  me  if  you  kill 
him,"  she  repeatedly  said  to  his  murderers.  Can  there  be 
any  doubt  that  the  "  aunt "  is  now  with  her  "  nephew  "  ? 

38 


ISAAC   JOGUES,    S.J. 


ISAAC  JOGUES. 

But  she  and  the  others  failed.  The  Bears  were  bent  on 
vengeance,  and  on  the  18th  of  October  they  invited  Jogues 
to  a  feast.  It  was  a  sort  of  a  Judas  kiss.  To  refuse  was 
to  be  killed  immediately  as  outraging  hospitality,  and  so 
the  poor  sufferer,  who  was  found  crouching  in  a  cabin  nurs- 
ing his  bleeding  wounds,  rose  up  and  followed  the  savage. 
Behind  the  door  stood  an  Indian  with  a  tomahawk  in  his 
hand,  and  as  Jogues  stooped  down  to  enter,  the  axe  de- 
scended with  a  crash  into  his  skull.  His  long  and  bloody 
battle  was  ended.  They  cut  off  the  head  and  fixed  it  on  a 
stake  of  the  palisade,  and  then  flung  the  mangled  body  into 
the  Mohawk.  That  stream  ought  to  be  sacred  for  Catholics. 

"  So  died,"  says  Ingram  Kip,  the  Protestant  bishop  of 
California,  "  one  of  that  glorious  band  that  had  shown 
greater  devotion  in  the  cause  of  Christianity  than  has  ever 
been  seen  since  the  time  of  the  Apostles;  men  whose  lives 
and  sufferings  reveal  a  story  more  touching  and  pathetic 
than  anything  in  the  records  of  our  country,  and  whose 
names  should  ever  be  kept  in  grateful  remembrance;  stern, 
high-wrought  men  who  might  have  stood  high  in  court  or 
camp,  and  who  could  contrast  their  desolate  state  in  the 
lowly  wigwam  with  the  refinement  and  affluence  that  waited 
on  them  in  their  earlier  years,  but  who  had  given  up  home 
and  love  of  kindred  and  the  golden  ties  of  relationship  for 
God  and  man.  Ibo  sed  non  redibo  said  Isaac  Jogues  as  he 
went  for  the  last  time  into  the  valley  of  the  Mohawk.  He 
fell  beneath  the  blow  of  the  infuriated  savage  and  his  body 
was  thrown  to  feed  the  vultures,  whose  shrieks  as  they 
flapped  their  wings  above  him  was  his  only  requiem."  The 
Fathers  in  Quebec  thought  he  needed  no  requiem.  A  Tc 
Deum  would  be  better.  His  companion  was  killed  on  the 
following  morning. 

Rumors  of  the  tragedy  gradually  reached  Quebec,  but  all 
doubt  was  dispelled  by  an  official  letter  of  Governor  Kieft, 
of  Manhattan,  dated  November,  1646,  to  Montmagny:  "  I 
sent  the  minister  of  Fort  Orange  to  find  out  the  cause  of 

39 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

the  murder,  and  he  could  get  no  other  answer  than  that  the 
Father  had  left  a  devil  among  some  articles  confided  to 
their  keeping  which  had  caused  all  their  corn  or  maize  to 
be  eaten  by  worms."  This  letter  of  Governor  Kieft  is  ex- 
tremely precious,  as  there  could  be  no  more  convincing  testi- 
mony than  that  of  a  Protestant  minister  and  a  Protestant 
governor  reporting  officially  on  the  cause  of  the  crime. 
They  put  it  beyond  question  that  it  was  not  a  matter  of 
politics,  or  race  hatred,  or  of  thoughtless  savage  fury.  It 
was  hatred  of  what  the  Indians  conceived  to  be  Christianity, 
and  as  in  greater  persecutions,  their  pretext  was  that  its 
teachings  brought  disaster  upon  the  country. 

Independently  of  the  nature  of  his  death,  the  holiness  of 
this  wonderful  missionary  was  of  the  most  extraordinary 
kind.  What  he  said  of  Goupil  may  be  applied  to  him.  "  He 
was  an  angel  of  purity."  His  obedience  was  heroic  and 
never  faltered  under  any  trial;  the  extent  of  his  mortifica- 
tion is  evident  from  his  sufferings,  which  were  not  only 
accepted  but  sought ;  his  sprit  of  prayer  was  uninterrupted, 
and  of  that  higher  kind  to  which  visions  are  vouchsafed; 
his  patience  was  without  bounds,  his  charity  most  tender 
even  to  the  fiercest  of  his  persecutors.  "  The  only  sin  I  can 
remember  during  my  captivity,"  he  told  his  spiritual  guide, 
"  was  that  I  sometimes  looked  upon  the  approach  of  death 
with  complacency  " ;  an  admission  which  will  give  ordinary 
saints  a  shiver. 

Was  his  death  a  martyrdom?  To  be  certain  about  that 
we  must  await  the  decision  of  the  Church,  but  most  people 
who  read  of  his  sufferings  will  agree  with  the  Lutheran  on 
Manhattan  Island  who  went  down  on  his  knees  and  saluted 
him  as  a  martyr ;  with  the  Queen  of  France  who  wept  over 
his  wounds,  and  with  the  Sovereign  Pontiff  himself  who 
almost  canonized  him  before  his  death.  All  of  the  Prot- 
estant historians,  some  of  them  ministers  and  bishops,  give 
him  that  title;  Catholic  writers  have  no  doubt  about  it;  the 
Venerable  Marie  de  Tlncarnation,  who  is  so  revered  in 

40 


ISAAC   JOGUES. 

Canada  for  her  sanctity,  reiterates  it  incessantly ;  the  Fathers 
of  Canada,  some  of  whom  were  subsequently  martyrs  them- 
selves, had  no  hesitation  in  privately  invoking  his  inter- 
cession; and  the  Plenary  Councils  of  Baltimore  and  Quebec 
have  asked  for  his  canonization.  Immediately  after  his 
death  a  tribunal  was  established  to  officially  inaugurate  the 
process,  and  the  original  documents  containing  the  testi- 
mony given  on  that  occasion  have  fortunately  come  down 
to  us.  In  our  own  days  the  process  has  been  resumed  and 
the  taking  of  testimony  about  the  virtues  and  death  of 
Jogues  and  the  other  martyrs  of  the  Canadian  missions  was 
continued  for  more  than  a  year.  To  conclude,  it  is  abun- 
dantly clear  that  more  than  for  any  of  the  other  mission- 
aries, the  cause  of  Jogues'  death  is  freed  from  any  possi- 
bility of  its  having  been  associated  with  political  or  race 
feeling.  It  was  simply  out  of  hatred  of  the  cross,  of  dislike 
of  his  doctrinal  teachings,  and  detestation  of  the  Christian 
morality  which  he  inculcated. 

None  of  his  relics  have  been  found.  His  clothing,  his 
breviary  and  missal  were  given  to  the  Dutch,  but  all  traces 
of  them  have  been  lost.  As  to  the  place  where  the  martyr- 
dom occurred  there  can  be  no  reasonable  doubt  that  it  is  at 
what  is  known  as  Auriesville,  on  the  south  bank  of  the 
Mohawk  just  above  the  Schoharie. 


41 


JOSEPH  BRESSANI. 

IN  the  war  with  the  French  and  Hurons  the  old  Iroquois 
showed  themselves  not  only  fierce  fighters,  but  mar- 
velous military  tacticians.  They  were  not  numerous,  but 
they  swept  every  enemy  before  them.  Their  aim  was  to 
destroy  the  French  and  Hurons  simultaneously.  For  that 
purpose  they  proposed,  besides  fighting,  to  get  the  best  of 
the  French  by  cutting  off  the  supplies  from  the  Northwest, 
and  diverting  them  to  the  Mohawk  Valley,  a  business  con- 
flict which  still  endures  with  their  civilized  successors.  In 
that  they  succeeded  so  well  that  at  times  there  was  not  a 
peltry  sold  at  Quebec,  while  the  burghers  at  New  Amster- 
dam were  growing  rich,  not  precisely  by  putting  their  feet 
in  the  scales,  but  by  getting  all  the  fur  they  wanted.  On 
the  other  hand,  the  Hurons  were  being  crushed  by  indis- 
criminate slaughter  or  by  absorption  into  the  Iroquois  Con- 
federacy. 

To  carry  out  their  plans  the  Iroquois  had  established  an 
uninterrupted  line  of  posts  from  what  is  now  Ottawa  to 
Three  Rivers,  each  one  admirably  chosen  for  discovering 
the  enemy  before  he  could  get  near  enough  to  be  dangerous. 
Those  who  know  the  old  "  castles "  at  Auriesville  and 
Sprakers  have  always  appreciated  their  wisdom  in  this 
respect. 

They  had  divided  their  fighting  men  into  ten  sections. 
Two  were  assigned  to  the  most  western  post,  which,  being 
so  exposed,  on  account  of  its  remoteness,  needed  most  de- 
fenders. It  was  the  present  Ottawa,  and  was  then  called 
"  The  portage  of  the  Chaudieres."  The  third  section  was 
stationed  at  the  foot  of  the  Long  Sault;  the  fourth  above 
Montreal ;  the  fifth  on  the  island  itself ;  the  sixth  on  the 
Riviere  des  Prairies;  the  seventh  on  Lac  St.  Pierre;  the 
eighth  not  far  from  Fort  Richelieu  on  the  Sorel;  the  ninth 

42 


GOVERNOR  DE  MONTMAGNY. 
(ONONTIO.) 


JOSEPH  BRESSANI. 

near  Three  Rivers ;  while  the  tenth  formed  a  sort  of  flying 
squadron  to  carry  devastation  wherever  the  opportunity 
presented  itself. 

This  line  of  strategic  positions  was  so  uninterrupted  that 
one  does  not  so  much  admire  the  heroism  that  would 
endeavor  to  break  through  it,  as  wonder  how  any  attempt 
could  ever  be  made  at  it.  It  looked  like  going  straight  to 
death.  And  yet  it  was  done,  time  and  time  again.  Of 
course,  there  was  many  a  failure.  Father  Jogues  was  one 
of  those  who  dared  it,  but  paid  for  his  ill-success  by  cap- 
tivity and  torture. 

In  1643  the  condition  of  the  Hurons  and  of  the  mission- 
aries in  the  then  Far  West  was  deplorable.  Lalemant 
writes :  "  The  desolation  is  extreme.  War,  with  its  usual 
ravages,  filled  up  the  whole  summer.  Almost  every  day 
poor  women  are  found  murdered  in  the  fields ;  the  villages 
are  in  continual  alarm,  and  every  attempt  made  to  repel  the 
invaders  is  met  with  defeat  and  the  loss  of  hundreds 
dragged  into  captivity.  Often  we  have  no  other  messen- 
gers of  these  dreadful  tidings  but  unhappy  wretches  who 
have  escaped  from  the  flames,  and  whose  half-burned  bodies 
and  mangled  hands  give  us  better  proof  than  their  words 
of  the  misfortunes  which  overwhelmed  them.  Added  to 
these  horrors  is  that  of  famine  almost  everywhere  for  a 
hundred  leagues  around.  Grain  is  rare,  and  the  people 
are  living  on  roots  often  dug  up  in  fields  red  with  blood. 
The  missionaries  were  about  to  cease  saying  Mass,  for 
there  was  no  wine  or  bread." 

This  was  at  the  end  of  March,  1644.  In  April  the  Su- 
perior, Father  Vimont,  commissioned  Father  Bressani  to 
carry  "  some  letters  and  packages  "  to  his  brethren  on  Lake 
Huron.  They  had  received  nothing  for  three  years. 

Who  was  Bressani?  As  his  name  denotes,  he  was  not 
a  Frenchman.  He  was  born  in  Rome,  and  entered  the 
Society  August  15,  1526.  He  was  then  only  fourteen  years 
old,  but  he  must  have  been  a  gifted  lad,  for  he  finished  his 

43 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

philosophy  in  the  Roman  College  when  he  was  eighteen. 
He  then  made  three  years  of  teaching;  took  three  of  theol- 
ogy in  Rome  and  a  fourth  year  at  Clermont  in  France.  He 
made  his  tertianship  in  Paris,  and  after  teaching  rhetoric, 
philosophy  and  mathematics,  was  thought  of  as  the  future 
preacher  for  great  cities,  but  he  set  out  for  Canada  in  1642, 
not,  however,  before  some  holy  soul  had  foretold  all  the 
tortures  he  was  going  to  suffer.  That  did  not  deter  him, 
however.  Quite  the  contrary.  It  made  him  extremely 
happy.  He  was  only  thirty-two  when  the  savages  were 
mangling  and  burning  his  body. 

His  acceptance  of  the  dangerous  mission  was  altogether 
voluntary.  There  were  only  two  other  men  who  could  be 
thought  of  to  attempt  it  just  then.  One  was  Jogues,  who 
had  not  yet  returned  to  Canada  after  his  escape  from  the 
Mohawks.  The  other  was  Davost,  who  was  completely 
exhausted  by  his  ten  years'  work,  and  died  soon  after  on 
the  ocean  when  returning  to  France  to  recuperate. 

Bressani  was  then  at  Three  Rivers  looking  after  the 
Algonquins.  Previous  to  that  he  had  been  Parish  Priest 
at  Quebec,  "  preaching  to  the  French  with  remarkable  re- 
sults." Aware  of  the  difficulties  in  which  the  Superior 
found  himself,  he  offered  to  make  the  journey  with  the 
party  that  had  been  chosen.  A  young  Frenchman  was  to 
go  with  him;  the  others  were  Hurons,  two  of  whom  had 
just  escaped  from  captivity  among  the  Iroquois.  Alto- 
gether there  were  eight  men  who  got  into  their  three  canoes 
at  Quebec  in  the  latter  part  of  April,  1644,  and  started  for 
the  Northwest. 

All  went  well  till  they  passed  the  entrance  of  Lake  St. 
Pierre.  It  was  Jogues'  unlucky  spot.  Bressani's  canoe 
had  been  damaged,  and  the  next  night  there  was  a  fall  of 
snow  which  delayed  them  still  more.  Both  events  were 
fatal.  It  is  said  also  that  one  of  the  Indians  shot  at  a 
wild  goose.  Bressani  said  it  was  an  eagle.  It  must  have 
been  a  goose.  It  revealed  their  whereabouts  to  the  enemy. 

44 


JOSEPH  BRESSANI. 

On  the  next  day,  when  doubling  a  point,  they  found 
themselves  suddenly  surrounded  by  hostile  canoes.  There 
was  a  feeble  attempt  to  escape.  In  the  fight  one  Huron  was 
killed,  and  the  rest  surrendered.  They  were  then  about 
twenty-three  miles  above  Three  Rivers  and  seven  or  eight 
from  Fort  Richelieu.  The  booty  was  divided.  Most  of 
the  provisions  were  devoured,  and  what  remained  was 
packed  away  for  transportation.  But  part  of  the  feast  was 
the  dead  Huron — a  Christian.  They  cut  him  in  pieces  and, 
putting  the  arms,  legs  and  heart  in  a  pot,  boiled  and  ate 
them.  Thus  refreshed  they  proceeded  down  the  Richelieu 
to  Ossernenon. 

Bressani's  capture  was  particularly  agreeable  to  the  Iro- 
quois.  Maisonneuve  had  just  then  killed  a  great  Iroquois 
chief  in  a  desperate  sally  outside  of  the  palisades  of  Mon- 
treal. Deserted  by  his  men,  the  chevalier  found  himself 
throttled  by  a  huge  Iroquois.  With  his  free  hand  he  reached 
behind  the  Indian's  head  and  with  the  butt  end  of  a  pistol 
brained  him  and  escaped  to  the  fort.  The  priest  would  be 
made  to  pay  for  that  death. 

On  the  way  down  the  Richelieu  he  heard  his  captors  dis- 
cussing a  plan.  They  did  not  know  he  understood  them, 
and  they  talked  freely.  They  proposed  to  descend  upon 
Sillery  and  carry  off  the  nuns.  As  soon  as  he  could,  he 
wrote  a  warning  to  his  friends  on  a  piece  of  birch  bark  and 
fastened  it  to  the  trunk  of  a  tree.  One  week  afterwards 
it  was  in  the  hands  of  Montmagny.  Some  friendly  Indians 
had  found  it  and  carried  it  to  Quebec. 

Like  Jogues,  Bressani  has  left  us  an  account  of  what  he 
underwent.  The  narrative  is  a  model  of  good  writing  for 
its  literary  purity  and  simplicity.  It  was  published  in  Italy 
during  his  lifetime,  and  was  dedicated  to  Cardinal  de  Lugo. 
Though  the  reader  may  be  shocked  by  some  of  its  pages, 
his  sympathy  and  pity  cannot  fail  to  be  touched.  Not  only 
are  physical  sufferings  described,  but  the  interior  struggles 
are  revealed,  as  well  as  the  lofty  sentiments  which  sustained 

45 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

him  in  his  trials,  all  with  the  most  unaffected  candor.  It  is 
marvelous  how  he  could  have  succeeded  in  writing  it  at  all. 
He  had  but  one  finger  remaining  on  his  right  hand.  Some 
of  his  narrative  was  written  with  ink  which  he  had  made 
from  gunpower  and  water.  His  desk  was  the  ground  in 
a  wigwam.  In  some  respects  it  is  more  heartrending  than 
the  story  of  Jogues,  and  it  is  additionally  interesting  in 
that  they  both  suffered  in  the  same  place.  The  complete 
account  may  be  found  in  the  Relations  and  in  Bressani's 
letters.  We  give  a  few  excerpts. 

"  I  will  not  narrate,"  he  writes,  "  all  that  I  had  to  suffer 
on  the  journey  from  Fort  Richelieu  to  Ossernenon.  It  will 
suffice  to  say  that  we  had  to  carry  our  baggage  in  the 
woods  by  untrodden  roads,  full  of  stones  and  thorns  and 
holes,  and  covered  with  snow  and  water;  for  the  snow  had 
not  yet  altogether  melted.  We  had  no  shoes,  and  had  to 
wait  sometimes  till  three  or  four  in  the  afternoon,  and 
sometimes  the  whole  day,  before  they  gave  us  anything  to 
eat.  At  night  I  had  to  hunt  for  wood  and  water  and  to 
cook  for  the  savages  when  they  had  any  provisions.  When 
I  did  not  do  my  work  well  or  did  not  understand  what  they 
told  me  I  was  cruelly  beaten. 

"  On  the  fourth  day,  which  was  the  15th  of  May,  we 
found  ourselves  about  three  in  afternoon,  without  having 
yet  eaten  anything,  on  the  banks  of  a  river  where  400 
savages  were  fishing  (probably  the  upper  Hudson).  They 
came  to  meet  us  about  600  feet  from  their  wigwams.  They 
stripped  us  naked,  and  made  me  march  at  the  head  of  the 
procession.  The  young  braves  formed  a  hedge  on  the 
right  and  left,  all  armed  with  sticks  except  the  first,  who 
brandished  a  knife.  When  I  attempted  to  advance  he  stood 
in  front  of  me  and,  seizing  my  left  hand,  he  split  it  with 
his  knife  between  the  ring  and  little  finger  with  such  force 
and  violence  that  I  thought  he  had  opened  my  entire  hand 
to  the  wrist.  Then  the  others  began  to  beat  me  with  their 
clubs,  and  did  not  stop  till  we  reached  the  platform,  where 

46 


JOSEPH  BRESSANI. 

they  were  to  torture  us.  We  had  to  mount  a  pile  of  rough 
bark,  nine  or  ten  palms  high,  so  as  to  give  the  crowd  a 
chance  to  see  and  revile  us.  I  was  all  covered  with  blood, 
which  was  dripping  from  every  part  of  my  body,  and  the 
cold  wind  congealed  it  on  the  skin.  A  chief,  seeing  me 
shivering,  gave  me  the  thin  soutane  which  they  had  taken 
from  me,  but  it  was  then  in  rags.  It  was  enough  to  cover, 
but  not  to  warm  me. 

"  They  kept  us  some  time  there,  but  left  us  when  they 
were  done  with  us  to  the  discretion  or  the  indiscretion  of 
the  boys  and  children,  who  stuck  sharp-pointed  instruments 
into  my  flesh,  struck  me,  tore  out  my  hair,  and  beard,  and 
so  on.  ...  At  night  the  chiefs  went  around  to  the 
cabins  and  called  out  to  the  young  men,  '  Come  and  caress 
our  prisoners.'  Immediately  they  rushed  to  where  we  were. 
They  tore  off  the  shreds  of  the  garment  I  wore,  and  in  this 
condition  of  nudity  some  stabbed  me  with  sharp  sticks; 
others  burned  me  with  torches  or  stones  heated  in  the  fire; 
others  made  use  of  hot  ashes  or  firebrands.  They  made  me 
walk  around  the  fire  on  the  burning  cinders,  under  which 
they  had  placed  sharp-pointed  sticks.  Then  they  slowly 
burned  off  a  nail  and  a  finger,  taking  a  quarter  of  an  hour 
to  do  it.  I  have  only  one  complete  finger  now,  and  they 
tore  out  the  nail  of  that  one  with  their  teeth.  One  night 
they  would  tear  out  a  nail ;  the  following  day  the  first  joint ; 
and  the  next  day  a  second.  I  had  to  sing  during  the  tor- 
ture, and  they  kept  it  up  till  one  or  two  in  the  morning. 
Then  they  left  me  staked  to  the  ground  and  with  nothing 
to  cover  me.  When  I  had  anything  to  lie  on  it  was  only 
a  piece  of  skin  only  half  long  enough.  Frequently  I  had 
nothing  to  cover  me,  for  they  had  torn  up  the  soutane  which 
they  had  given  me. 

"  We  left  that  place  on  May  26,  and  after  many  days' 
traveling  reached  their  first  village,  Ossernenon  (Auries- 
ville).  There  our  reception  was  like  the  first,  only  more 
cruel,  for  besides  beating  me  with  their  fists  and  clubs  on 

47 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

the  most  sensitive  parts  of  the  body,  they  split  my  left  hand 
between  the  index  and  middle  finger,  and  they  kept  on 
showering  blows  on  me  till  I  fell  half  dead.  I  could  not 
rise,  and  they  continued  to  beat  me  on  the  breast  and  head. 
I  should  have  certainly  died  under  their  blows  if  a  chief 
had  not  dragged  me  away  and  placed  me  on  a  platform  as 
before.  There  they  cut  off  my  left  thumb  and  split  the 
index  finger.  That  night  a  savage  made  me  enter  his  cabin, 
and  there  we  were  tortured  with  greater  cruelty  and  ferocity 
than  ever.  They  dislocated  all  my  toes  and  drove  a  fire- 
brand into  my  foot.  I  scarcely  know  what  they  did  not 
try  to  do. 

"  After  having  satisfied  their  cruelty,  they  sent  us  to  a 
village  nine  or  ten  miles  further  on  (Tionnontoguen,  where 
Jogues  and  Goupil  had  been  tortured).  Besides  the  torture 
I  have  already  spoken  of  they  hanged  me  head  downward, 
sometimes  with  ropes  and  sometimes  with  chains  which  the 
Dutch  had  given  them.  During  the  night  I  was  stretched 
out  on  the  bare  earth,  picketed,  as  is  their  custom,  by  the 
hands  and  feet  and  neck.  During  six  or  seven  nights  the 
means  they  took  to  make  me  suffer  are  such  that  it  is  not 
permitted  me  to  describe. 

"  After  this  treatment  I  became  so  offensive  that  every- 
one kept  away  from  me,  or  if  they  did  not,  it  was  only  to 
add  to  my  torments.  I  was  covered  with  insects  and  ver- 
min, and  could  not  rid  myself  of  them  or  keep  them  off. 
Worms  began  to  drop  from  my  wounds.  I  was  a  burden 
to  myself,  and  were  I  alone  to  be  considered  I  would  have 
counted  death  a  gain.  I  longed  for  it,  and  expected  it,  but 
not  without  a  feeling  of  horror  of  dying  by  fire.  Death 
did  not  come  and  I  was  given  to  an  old  squaw  to  replace 
an  uncle  whom  the  Hurons  had  formerly  killed.  Instead 
of  letting  me  be  burned,  as  all  desired  and  decided,  she 
bought  me  for  some  wampum  beads." 

One  incident  occurred  while  he  was  there  which  is  espe- 
cially worth  recording.  "  I  baptized  no  one  except  a 

48 


JOSEPH  BRESSANI. 

Huron,"  he  says.  "  He  was  about  to  be  burned,  and  I 
was  urged  to  go  to  see  him.  I  went  with  repugnance,  as 
they  told  me  he  could  not  understand  me.  I  passed  through 
the  crowd;  they  formed  in  line  for  me,  and  allowed  me  to 
approach  the  man,  who  was  already  quite  disfigured  by  the 
tortures.  He  was  lying  on  the  bare  ground,  without  being 
able  to  rest  his  head  in  any  place.  Seeing  a  stone  near 
him,  I  pushed  it  with  my  foot  as  far  as  his  head,  that  he 
might  use  it  as  a  pillow."  (Poor  Bressani  could  not  use 
his  hands.)  "  Then  looking  at  me,  and  either  by  some  wisp 
of  beard  which  I  had  left,  or  by  some  other  sign,  judging 
that  I  was  a  stranger,  he  said  to  the  person  who  had  him 
in  custody :  '  Is  not  this  the  European  whom  you  hold 
captive?  '  And  the  other  having  answered  him  '  Yes,'  look- 
ing at  me  the  second  time  with  a  somewhat  pitiful  glance, 
'  Sit  down,'  he  said  to  me,  '  my  brother,  near  to  me,  for  I 
desire  to  speak  to  thee.'  I  did  so,  not  without  horror  at 
the  stench  which  emanated  from  that  half-roasted  body, 
and  asked  him  what  he  desired,  rejoicing  to  understand  him 
a  little,  because  he  spoke  Huron,  and  hoping  through  this 
opportunity  to  be  able  to  instruct  him  for  baptism,  but,  to 
my  utmost  consolation,  he  anticipated  me.  '  What  do  I 
ask  ?  '  he  said ;  '  I  ask  nothing  else  than  baptism.  Make 
haste;  the  time  is  short.'  I  began  to  question  him  and  found 
him  perfectly  instructed,  having  been  received  among  the 
Catechumens  in  the  country  of  the  Hurons.  I  baptized 
him  then  with  great  satisfaction  both  to  him  and  myself; 
but  although  I  had  done  so  with  some  artifice — having  used 
a  little  water  which  I  had  brought  him  to  drink — the  Iro- 
quois,  nevertheless,  perceived  it.  They  drove  me  from  the 
cabin  and  began  to  torment  him  as  before,  and  the  follow- 
ing morning  they  finished  roasting  him  alive."  The  poor 
Indian  was  then  skinned  and  dismembered  and  beheaded, 
the  head  being  placed  before  Bressani  to  gaze  at.  It  will 
be  interesting  for  New  Yorkers  to  learn  that  this  account 
4  49 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

is  dated  "  New  Amsterdam,  August  31,  1644."  He  wrote 
it  after  he  was  ransomed. 

From  his  writings  we  obtain  very  valuable  information 
as  to  the  reasons  which  prompted  the  Indians  to  perpetrate 
these  cruelties. 

"  The  Iroquois  hate  us,"  he  said,  "  not  because  we  are 
Europeans,  for  they  do  not  hate  the  Dutch,  but  because  we 
identify  ourselves  with  our  Huron  Christians,  whom  the 
Iroquois  are  determined  to  destroy.  If  we  were  not  willing 
to  throw  in  our  lot  with  our  converts  and  undergo  the  same 
bodily  sufferings  as  they,  we  should  not  be  believed  when 
we  would  talk  to  them  about  the  soul.  To  be  hunted  as 
they  are  is  part  of  our  ministry.  Thus  the  first  origin  of 
this  enmity  is  the  Faith,  which  binds  us,  even  at  the  peril 
of  life,  to  friendship  with  those  we  convert,  and  indirectly 
to  enmity  with  the  Iroquois.  Added  to  this  is  the  hatred 
which  the  Iroquois  bear  to  the  Holy  Faith,  which  they  con- 
sider and  describe  as  magic.  It  is  that  which  prompted  them 
recently  to  prolong  for  eight  days  the  torments  which  they 
commonly  despatch  in  one  day  when  they  put  to  death 
Joseph  Onabre,  a  Christian  Indian,  who  publicly  boasted 
of  his  Christianity.  But  they  particularly  hate  the  sign  of 
the  cross,  which  they  have  been  taught  by  the  Dutch  is  a 
real  superstition.  It  was  on  this  account  they  killed  the 
good  Rene  Goupil,  a  companion  of  Father  Jogues."  (This 
was  written  before  Father  Jogues'  death.)  "  For  the  same 
reason  they  took  away  from  me  the  boy  whom  I  had  taught 
to  make  the  sign  of  the  cross,  as  well  as  to  say  his  prayers. 
He  was  horribly  tortured  and  killed  before  my  eyes." 

It  is  needless  to  remark  that  the  testimony  of  one  who 
was  almost  a  martyr  himself  is  invaluable  in  obtaining  a  cor- 
rect appreciation  of  the  mental  attitude  of  the  Indians  with 
regard  to  the  missionaries  whom  they  put  to  death. 

Very  precious  also  is  his  study  of  the  condition  of  the 
soul  in  the  midst  of  these  trials.  Replying  to  his  Superior's 
inquiry,  he  says :  "I  should  have  difficulty  in  answering 

50 


JOSEPH  BRESSANI. 

if  I  did  not  know  that  it  is  honorable  to  reveal  and  con- 
fess the  works  of  God.  Though  I  was  always  within 
two  inches  of  death,  my  mind  was,  nevertheless,  constantly 
free,  so  that  I  could  do  everything  with  proper  reflection. 
The  body  was  extremely  feeble — scarcely  could  I  open  my 
lips  to  say  one  Pater  Noster — but  inwardly  I  discoursed 
with  the  same  freedom  and  facility  that  I  use  at  present. 
Again,  in  proportion  as  the  dangers  and  pains  increased, 
my  mental  condition  changed,  and  I  had  continually  less 
horror  of  death  and  fire.  I  had  not  the  first  impulse  of 
resentment  against  my  tormentors.  On  the  contrary,  I 
pitied  them.  I  was  consoled  in  my  desolations,  but  do  not 
imagine  I  did  not  feel  the  torments.  I  felt  them  keenly, 
but  I  had  such  strength  to  suffer  them  that  I  was  astonished 
at  myself,  or,  rather,  at  the  grace.  I  account  this  favor 
greater  than  deliverance  from  pain. 

"  I  did  not  lack,  however,  some  interior  distress,  but  not 
at  the  time  of  torments,  which  I  feared  more  before  ex- 
periencing them  than  when  I  actually  suffered  them,  and 
often  I  was  more  terrified  on  seeing  them  practised  on 
others  than  while  undergoing  them  in  my  own  person. 
Other  troubles  which  I  underwent  were  temptations  against 
faith;  which,  I  think,  must  be  common  enough  at  the  hour 
of  death.  I  judge  so,  because  of  my  own  personal  experi- 
ence and  because  the  desolation  that  comes  upon  the  soul 
when  all  human  consolation  is  lost  is  naturally  an  excellent 
opportunity  for  the  evil  spirit  to  suggest  doubts  of  divine 
truth.  But  the  goodness  of  God,  who  leads  man  down  to 
hell  and  leads  him  back  again,  did  not  abandon  me.  By 
suggesting  to  myself  the  thoughts  that  I  would  have  put 
before  another  person  in  similar  circumstances  I  recovered 
my  peace  of  mind." 

While  we  are  compelled  to  admire  this  searching  analysis 
of  the  condition  of  his  soul,  we  are  almost  amused  to  hear 
him  relate  that  "  one  evening,  while  they  were  burning  the 
ring  finger  of  my  right  hand  for  the  last  time,  instead  of 

51 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

singing,  as  they  commanded  me,  I  intoned  the  Miserere  with 
so  awful  a  voice  that  I  made  them  afraid,  and  all  listened  to 
me  with  attention.  Even  the  one  who  was  burning  me  re- 
mitted a  little  of  the  severity  with  which  he  had  begun,  but 
he  did  not  therefore  forbear,  fearing  that  they  would  scoff 
at  him.  Nevertheless,  I  thought  then  that  I  should  die,  so 
cruel  was  the  pain. 

"  Often,"  he  says,  "  when  unbound  in  the  morning — 
and  I  never  had  realized  when  considering  the  passion  of 
Our  Lord  what  a  torment  it  was  to  be  tightly  bound — I 
found  I  had  been  dreaming  that  I  had  been  suddenly  healed, 
and  on  awakening  I  looked  to  see  if  it  were  true.  This 
thought,  though  only  in  a  dream,  gave  me  such  strength 
and  vigor  that  after  one  or  two  hours'  rest,  I  was  as  full 
of  strength  to  suffer  as  on  the  first  day  when  I  began  to 
be  tortured." 

We  have  given  only  a  hurried  sketch  of  his  sufferings 
at  Ossernenon,  but  there  are  many  things  in  the  complete 
narrative  which  reveal  an  extraordinary  spirituality  in  this 
great  champion  of  the  Faith.  He  tells  us  how  he  swooned 
away  at  the  indecencies  committed  before  his  eyes;  how  he 
would  awake  in  the  night  and  reflect  on  how  awful  purga- 
tory must  be;  how  when  the  worms  were  falling  from  his 
wounds,  he  thought  of  Job;  how  he  felt  no  resentment 
against  his  persecutors;  how  he  turned  to  the  Consolatrix 
Afflictornm  when  they  were  preparing  to  burn  him;  how 
when  he  was  lying  in  agony  in  the  cabin  of  the  squaw,  he 
considered  that  no  one  can  live  without  crosses,  though 
his  "  present  suffering  was  like  sugar  in  comparison  with 
the  past." 

The  squaw  soon  grew  tired  of  him.  He  was  clearly  a 
losing  speculation.  He  was  no  use  to  her,  and  was  only 
encumbering  the  cabin,  for  he  was  so  loathsome  that  no 
one  would  enter  it;  so  she  sold  him  to  the  Dutch  for  two 
or  three  hundred  francs.  It  was  "  fine  profit  for  a  belt  of 
wampum,"  her  original  investment.  The  Dutch  eagerly 

52 


JOSEPH  BRESSANI. 

bought  him  and  nursed  him  back  to  something  like  health, 
and  then  carried  him  down  the  river  to  New  York  as  they 
had  done  with  Jogues.  He  had  been  for  five  months  at 
Auriesville,  and  remained  about  a  month  in  Manhattan. 
Finally  a  vessel  was  ready  and  he  started  on  his  wearisome 
journey  over  the  Atlantic,  having  with  him  the  following 
safe-conduct  of  the  sympathetic  Governor  Kieft,  who  was 
rude  to  others,  but  always  sympathetic  and  kind  to  Catholic 
priests : 

"  Francis  Joseph  Bressani,  of  the  Society  of  Jesus,  cap- 
tured in  Canada,  some  time  since,  by  the  Iroquois  savages, 
commonly  called  Maquas,  tortured  a  long  time  by  them, 
and  on  the  point  of  being  burned,  was  happily,  after  many 
difficulties,  saved  from  them  by  us,  by  a  ransom  and  set 
free.  Now  that  with  our  consent  he  sets  out  for  Holland 
to  return  to  France,  Christian  charity  exacts  from  all  those 
to  whom  he  may  present  himself  to  receive  him  with  kind- 
ness. Consequently  we  entreat  all  Governors,  Command- 
ants, or  their  lieutenants,  to  afford  him  help  on  his  arrival 
or  departure,  promising  in  like  emergency  to  do  them 
similar  service. 

"  Given  at  the  Fort  of  New  Amsterdam  in  New  Belgium, 
Sept.  20,  in  the  year  of  salvation  1644." 

Harsh  words  are  said  about  Kieft,  but  the  Jesuits  have 
every  reason  to  regard  him  with  a  feeling  almost  of  affec- 
tion. 

We  have  no  description  of  how  New  York  appeared  to 
Bressani  while  he  was  waiting  to  be  carried  over  the  sea, 
but  from  a  letter  from  the  Isle  of  Rhe,  and  dated  November 
16,  1644,  we  learn  that  after  he  left  Manhattan  his  journey 
was  far  from  a  pleasant  one.  He  thanks  God  for  being 
delivered  "  not  only  from  the  hands  of  the  Iroquois,  but 
also  from  the  fury  of  the  sea,  on  which  we  had  experienced 
horrible  tempests;  one,  among  others,  lasted  twenty- four 
hours,  and  brought  us  to  the  pass  of  resolving  to  cut  the 
masts  of  the  ship.  We  were  chased  by  Turkish  corsairs 

53 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

for  whole  days,  and  I  made  the  entire  voyage  with  Hugue- 
nots, to  whom  the  name  of  '  papist '  or  '  Jesuit '  was,  of 
course,  displeasing.  I  had  no  other  bed  than  a  bare  box, 
whereon  I  could  not  stretch  out  at  full  length.  The  victuals 
and  the  water  itself  failed  us,  and  yet,  except  for  sea-sickness, 
to  which  I  am  subject,  /  was  always  very  well.  After  fifty- 
five  days  of  wearisome  navigation  I  arrived  in  sailor's 
dress  at  the  Isle  of  Rhe  in  better  health  than  I  have  thus 
far  had  in  the  eighteen  years  and  over,  in  which  I  have 
been  in  the  Society.  I  was  obliged  to  ask  alms,  but  with 
such  satisfaction  that  could  scarcely  be  imagined." 

We  do  not  know  if  Bressani  was  ever  brought  to  the 
French  Court  as  Jogues  was,  but  it  is  very  likely.  He  had, 
however,  a  greater  consolation.  He  saw  Pope  Innocent  X, 
who  kissed  his  mangled  hands  and  gave  him  permission 
to  say  Mass :  "  You  were  mutilated  for  preaching  the 
Gospel ;  you  should  not  be  deprived  of  the  honor  of  saying 
Mass." 

Like  Jogues,  he  came  back  to  America  and  immediately 
plunged  into  the  sacrifices  and  danger  of  the  missions.  He 
returned  in  time  to  be  present  at  the  famous  conference  at 
Three  Rivers,  where  he  met  Jogues.  What  a  spectacle  it 
must  have  been  for  those  two  battle-scarred  warriors  to 
find  themselves  among  their  old  enemies  now  anxious  to 
make  peace!  Jogues  seems  to  have  kept  out  of  sight,  but 
Bressani  went  around  among  his  friends  and  asked  for 
presents,  which  he  distributed  to  the  astonished  Mohawks. 

After  that  he  started  for  the  upper  missions.  "  He  did 
not  know  the  language,"  says  Ragueneau,  "  but  his  muti- 
lated hands  spoke  for  him."  We  have  in  his  own  writing 
a  description  of  some  of  his  work. 

"  I  would  advise  those  who  come  to  convert  these  bar- 
barians," he  says,  "  to  be  armed  with  a  patience  of  bronze. 
On  my  last  journey  in  these  great  forests  we  were  in 
twenty-three  different  places  inside  of  six  months.  These 
stations  were  sometimes  on  very  high  mountains,  some- 

54 


POPE  INNOCENT   X. 


JOSEPH  BRESSANI. 

times  in  deep  valleys,  or,  again,  in  the  level  country,  which, 
for  the  most  part,  is  covered  with  pines,  cedars  and  firs. 
We  crossed  many  torrents,  rivers  and  lakes.  This  is  the 
way  we  lodged.  We  made  a  great  ditch  in  the  snow,  in 
which  we  planted  thirty  or  forty  poles  which  we  got  in 
the  woods,  and  which  served  to  support  the  pieces  of  bark 
which  formed  the  cabin.  The  door  was  an  old  skin,  and 
the  floor  some  pine  branches.  We  could  not  stand  upright, 
not  so  much  because  the  cabin  was  low  as  because  of  the 
smoke  which  compelled  us  always  to  lie  down.  If  you 
attempt  to  go  out,  the  cold,  the  snow  and  the  danger  of 
fainting  compel  you  to  return  as  soon  as  possible  and  re- 
main in  your  narrow  prison,  which  has  four  very  appreci- 
able inconveniences — the  cold,  the  heat,  the  smoke  and  the 
dogs.  As  for  the  cold,  your  head  almost  touches  the  snow, 
unless  some  little  branch  of  pine  protects  you.  The  winds 
come  in  everywhere,  especially  through  a  large  opening  at 
the  top,  which  serves  as  chimney  and  window,  through 
which  at  night  I  beheld  the  stars  and  moon  just  as  well  as 
I  should  have  seen  them  in  the  open  country.  The  cold, 
however,  did  not  treat  me  as  badly  as  the  fire,  which  was 
extinguished  at  night,  when  it  was  most  necessary,  but 
which  by  day  roasted  us.  Nor  could  I  defend  myself  from 
it  because  of  the  scantiness  of  the  space.  I  could  not  stretch 
myself  without  putting  my  feet  in  the  fire,  and  to  stay  con- 
tinually cramped  with  the  feet  crossed  is  a  posture  which 
fatigues.  This  inconvenience  is  not  so  great  for  the  sav- 
ages, who  squat  down  like  apes,  being  accustomed  to  it 
from  childhood.  But  a  torment  greater  than  the  heat  is 
the  smoke,  which  continually  draws  tears  from  the  eyes. 
We  are  often  constrained  to  put  our  mouths  to  the  ground 
in  order  to  breathe.  It  was,  so  to  speak,  necessary  to  eat 
the  earth  in  order  not  to  drink  the  smoke.  I  have  thus 
passed  many  hours,  especially  during  the  intense  cold  and 
while  it  was  snowing.  Even  the  savage  feels  it,  for  the 
smoke  enters  through  the  mouth,  through  the  eyes  and 

55 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

through  the  nostrils.  Oh,  what  a  bitter  beverage!  Oh, 
what  an  evil  smell !  I  thought  I  should  lose  my  eyes.  They 
were  inflamed  like  fire,  and  they  distilled  like  an  alembic. 
I  could  not  see  except  confusedly,  like  the  blind  man  of  the 
Gospel  who  saw  men  like  trees  walking.  I  said  the  psalms 
of  the  Office  as  best  I  could,  by  memory,  reserving  the 
lessons  for  a  time  when  the  pain  should  give  me  a  little 
respite.  They  appeared  to  me  written  with  letters  of  fire 
or  scarlet,  and  I  was  often  compelled  to  close  the  book,  no 
longer  seeing  in  it  aught  else  than  a  blur.  Do  not  say 
to  me,  '  You  should  have  gone  out  to  take  a  little  air.'  Thfc 
air  at  those  times  was  so  cold  that  the  trees,  which  have  a 
harder  skin  than  we  and  harder  bodies,  could  not  resist  it, 
splitting  with  a  sound  like  that  of  a  musket.  I  went  out, 
nevertheless,  but  the  cold  and  snow  constrained  me  to 
return.  I  know  not  whether  I  ought  to  complain  of  the 
fourth  discomfort:  the  dogs.  These  poor  animals,  not 
being  able  to  resist  the  cold,  came  to  bestow  themselves 
now  on  my  shoulders,  now  on  my  feet.  While  giving  me 
a  little  warmth  they  robbed  me  of  my  sleep.  They  were 
large  and  numerous  and  dying  of  hunger,  and  would 
wander  over  the  cabin,  sometimes  passing  over  our  faces 
with  such  vehemence  that,  tired  of  scolding  them,  I  would 
cover  my  face,  and  let  them  scour  about  at  pleasure.  If 
we  threw  a  bone  to  them,  when  we  had  any,  they  would  in 
their  fight  for  it  upset  everything.  Often  they  would  first 
taste  the  contents  of  our  bark  dishes,  according  to  the 
ancient  permission  they  have  from  these  barbarians.  At 
first,  not  being  able  to  accustom  myself  to  food  without  salt, 
I  contented  myself  with  a  little  smoked  eel.  I  had  used  it 
for  mending  my  robe,  but  hunger  compelled  me  to  unstitch 
it  and  eat  it.  I  would  sometimes  go  into  the  woods  and 
gnaw  the  tenderest  part  of  the  trees  and  the  softer  bark. 
I  saw  many  Indians  who  had  eaten  only  once  in  five  days. 
They  looked  like  skeletons.  I  was  sick  for  about  ten  days, 
but  could  not  get  anyone  to  give  me  even  a  drink  of  water. 

56 


JOSEPH  BRESSANI. 

To  add  to  my  misery,  I  was  in  the  company  of  a  noted 
sorcerer,  who  showed  his  hatred  of  me  in  every  way,  and 
taught  me  the  filthiest  expressions  without  my  knowing  it. 
I  could  write  a  whole  book  if  I  were  to  narrate  the  blas- 
phemies he  uttered  against  God.  I  was  obliged  to  be  silent 
for  entire  days  not  to  exasperate  him." 

Bressani  remained  in  the  upper  Huron  district  for  three 
years  and  saw  the  Iroquois  rapidly  closing  in  on  the  mis- 
sions. All  communication  with  Montreal  was  completely 
cut  off.  The  situation  grew  desperate.  It  meant  ultimate 
starvation,  and  an  attempt  had  to  be  made  to  break  through 
the  lines.  Bressani  led  the  forlorn  hope,  and  started  out 
with  120  Hurons.  No  soldier  ever  attempted  a  more 
hazardous  enterprise. 

The  journey  was  made  with  more  than  usual  precaution. 
Watch  was  carefully  kept  each  night,  for  at  every  step  they 
were  dogged  by  the  pursuing  Iroquois.  At  length  they 
reached  Montreal  and  were  now  approaching  Three  Rivers. 
In  order  to  indulge  their  usual  vanity  by  painting  them- 
selves properly  and  arranging  their  feathers  for  a  triumphal 
entry,  they  got  out  of  their  canoes  and  began  their  prepara- 
tions. The  first  section  was  more  expeditious  than  the 
others,  and  when  fully  tricked  out,  started  off  for  the  fort. 
Hardly  were  they  separated  from  the  main  body  when 
down  upon  the  laggards  came  the  Iroquois,  who  saw  in 
this  division  their  last  chance  to  inflict  a  blow.  The  battle 
began.  The  party  ahead  immediately  retraced  its  steps; 
the  garrison  sallied  from  the  fort  to  take  part  in  the 
melee,  but  to  the  amazement  of  the  French,  the  whole  body 
of  fighting  Indians,  Huron  and  Iroquois,  disappeared  in 
the  forest.  Among  them  was  Bressani,  who  was  eager  to 
be  in  the  thick  of  the  fight  to  attend  to  the  wounded. 
Angrily  the  soldiers  returned  to  the  stockade.  They  were 
obeying  orders  but  abandoning  their  friends.  They  could 
hear  the  distant  fusillade  and  the  war-whoops  of  the  com- 
batants, but  could  know  nothing  of  the  issue  of  the  battle,  till 

57 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

at  last  they  saw  a  Huron  canoe  pursued  by  two  others  which 
belonged  to  the  Iroquois  coming  down  the  stream.  They 
rushed  out  to  protect  the  fugitive,  but  it  was  Bressani, 
holding  aloft  the  banner  of  the  cross,  and  hastening  to  an- 
nounce the  defeat  of  the  Iroquois.  The  victors  arrived 
soon  after,  and  entered  the  stockade  with  great  pomp,  mak- 
ing their  prisoners  kneel  down  before  the  cross  of  the  vil- 
lage to  do  it  reverence.  The  victory  was  celebrated  in  the 
usual  gruesome  way.  A  Huron  renegade  who  had  been 
captured  among  the  Iroquois  was  burned  to  death;  the 
missionaries  not  being  able  to  prevent  the  execution. 

While  his  Indians  were  selling  their  peltries,  Bressani 
hurried  to  Quebec  to  see  what  help  he  could  get  for  the 
perishing  Northwest.  There  he  met  the  last  detachment 
of  missionaries  who  ever  went  up  to  the  Lakes.  Among 
them  was  Gabriel  Lalemant,  who  was  the  next  year  to  be 
burned  to  death  at  the  side  of  Brebeuf. 

On  August  6,  1648,  Bressani  and  the  new  missionaries 
started  from  Three  Rivers  in  sixty  canoes.  There  were 
twenty-six  Frenchmen  in  the  expedition,  among  whom 
were  twelve  soldiers.  St.  Mary's  was  reached  in  safety, 
but  calamities  immediately  began  to  multiply.  Daniel  and 
Gamier  and  Brebeuf  and  Lalemant  were  murdered,  and 
Bressani  saw  the  ravages  of  the  famine  and  witnessed  the 
terrible  slaughter  that  ensued  when  the  Iroquois  invaded 
the  country.  He  was  one  of  the  sad  company  on  the  raft 
when  St.  Mary's  was  burned  and  the  missionaries  and  their 
neophytes  rowed  away  to  St.  Joseph's.  The  situation  was 
every  day  becoming  more  alarming,  and  the  wonderful 
Bressani  was  again  chosen  to  face  death  in  an  effort  to 
reach  Quebec  to  ask  for  help.  He  started  in  September, 
1649.  That  was  seven  months  after  the  death  of  Brebeuf. 
Strange  to  say,  he  reached  the  city  in  safety,  but  begged 
in  vain  for  assistance  to  defend  the  missions ;  and  six  days 
afterwards  started  back  again  on  his  way  to  the  Huron 
country,  but  got  no  farther  than  Montreal. 

58 


JOSEPH  BRESSANI. 

His  heart  must  have  been  heavy  when  he  was  sent  as 
preacher  to  Quebec,  but  when  the  news  came  of  the  pro- 
posed removal  of  all  the  Hurons  to  the  new  settlement  at 
Isle  d'Orleans,  up  the  river  he  sped  with  a  flotilla  of  twenty- 
three  canoes  to  gather  in  the  fleeing  Hurons.  Twenty 
leagues  above  Montreal  his  party  landed  to  pass  the  night. 
Near  where  they  pitched  their  camp  ten  Iroquois  lay  in 
ambush.  It  was  not  long  before  the  Hurons  were  buried 
in  slumber,  but  in  the  dead  of  night  Bressani,  who  could 
not  sleep,  heard  the  stealthy  tread  of  the  enemy  coming 
with  tomahawk  in  hand  to  massacre  the  sleeping  foe.  His 
cry,  "  To  arms "  startled  the  Hurons.  A  bloody  fight 
ensued.  Six  Iroquois  were  killed,  two  made  prisoners  and 
the  two  others  escaped.  Six  of  the  Hurons  also  were  slain, 
and  a  number  wounded.  The  victory  was  won,  but 
Bressani  was  found  streaming  with  blood.  Three  arrows 
had  struck  him  in  the  head,  and  they  cared  for  him  as  best 
they  could  in  the  forest. 

This  adventure  was  bad  enough,  but  a  little  farther  on 
they  nearly  came  into  collision  with  another  great  body  of 
Indians  whom  they  mistook  for  foes.  Fortunately  they 
discovered  in  time  that  it  was  Father  Ragueneau  with  his 
400  starving  fugitives  coming  down  the  river;  and  so 
bloodshed  was  happily  averted.  Together  they  sailed  down 
the  stream,  and  the  whole  miserable  convoy  reached  Quebec 
in  safety,  July  28,  1650.  It  was  the  end  of  the  Huron 
missions. 

It  comes  almost  as  a  surprise  to  find  this  battered  and 
mangled  hero  in  the  midst  of  his  apostolic  duties  at  Quebec 
and  elsewhere,  busying  himself  in  making  scientific  observa- 
tions to  answer  the  queries  of  some  of  his  friends  in  Europe. 
Thus  he  discusses  the  ebb  and  flow  of  tides;  whether  the 
beginning  of  the  movement  comes  from  the  middle  of  the 
sea  or  from  the  shores  of  Europe  to  those  of  America. 
"  After  diligent  examination  with  the  aid  of  excellent  sea- 
men I  have  found  that  it  takes  place  in  neither  one  way 

59 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

nor  the  other."  Then  follows  a  detailed  account  of  what 
he  has  observed.  Another  problem  is  the  permanency  of  the 
supply  of  water  in  the  great  lakes ;  and  the  third,  the  result 
of  his  studies  about  the  declination  of  the  needle.  "  I  have 
been  able  to  make  these  latter  observations  in  the  four 
voyages  I  have  made  to  these  parts." 

On  November  2,  1650,  a  year  and  a  half  after  the  death 
of  his  friends,  Lalemant  and  Brebeuf,  he  bade  farewell  to 
America,  weeping  bitterly.  It  was  affection  for  him  that 
sent  him  home.  His  health  was  shattered,  and,  besides,  all 
the  posts  of  danger,  which  were  his  particular  predilection, 
were  for  the  moment  inaccessible.  He  returned  to  his 
native  land  and  became  a  preacher  in  all  of  its  great  cities. 
His  natural  eloquence,  his  admitted  sanctity,  the  story  of 
his  suffering,  and  also  the  marks  of  his  martyrdom  which 
he  bore  on  his  deeply  scarred  features  and  fingerless  hands 
made  it  easy  for  him  to  sway  men's  hearts.  He  died  at 
Florence,  September  9,  1672. 


60 


JOSEPH  PONCET. 

IN  the  summer  of  1638,  two  Jesuit  priests,  quite  unlike 
each  other  in  almost  every  respect,  left  Rome  together 
on  their  way  to  the  Canadian  missions.  One  was  Joseph 
Marie  Chaumonot,  the  son  of  a  Burgundian  peasant,  the 
other  the  aristocratic  Joseph  Antoine  Poncet  de  la  Riviere, 
a  Parisian  by  birth,  who,  after  a  brilliant  career  as  a  student 
in  his  native  city,  entered  the  Society  when  he  was  a  lad  of 
nineteen.  He  was  instructor  at  the  college  of  Clermont 
from  1631  to  1634,  and  made  his  theological  studies  suc- 
cessively at  Clermont,  Rome,  and  Rouen.  The  two  mis- 
sionaries left  France  in  1639. 

On  the  vessel  with  them,  sharing  in  the  discomforts  and 
dangers  of  the  long  voyage,  was  the  famous  Mme.  de  la 
Peltrie.  She  was  on  her  way  to  establish  the  Ursulines  at 
Quebec,  and  with  her  was  another  woman  who  occupies  a 
very  conspicuous  place  in  early  Canadian  history:  Marie 
de  I'lncarnation,  whom  Charlevoix  calls  the  "  Theresa  of 
New  France." 

The  story  of  Mme.  de  la  Peltrie  is  one  instance  among 
many  of  the  romantic  character  which  religious  enthusiasm 
assumed  in  those  days.  She  was  young  and  beautiful  and 
a  widow,  with  an  ample  fortune;  and  her  aged  father  very 
properly  was  desirous  of  seeing  her  marry  again.  She  had 
no  children.  Without  refusing  her  father's  request,  she 
evaded  it  in  a  very  singular  fashion.  She  asked  a  rich 
widower  named  de  Bernieres,  who  was  then  Treasurer  of 
France,  to  marry  her  or  to  pretend  to  do  so,  leaving  her  to 
the  prosecution  of  the  projects  which  she  entertained  for 
helping  foreign  missions. 

De  Bernieres  at  that  time  was  engaged  in  the  very  ex- 
traordinary work — to  give  it  no  other  name — of  directing 
the  spiritual  progress  of  a  certain  number  of  ecclesiastics 

61 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

who  had  withdrawn  into  solitude  for  meditation  and  the 
practice  of  austerity.  Among  them  was  the  future  bishop 
of  Quebec,  Laval,  who  was  at  that  time  about  to  be  sent 
as  a  bishop  to  Tonquin,  and  also  Palloux,  who  actually  went 
to  that  country.  This  strange  community,  under  the  direc- 
tion of  a  layman  who  was  living  in  the  world,  was  visited 
about  that  time  by  the  famous  Jesuit  missionary,  Alexander 
de  Rhodes,  who  was  endeavoring  to  have  a  hierarchy  estab- 
lished in  Tonquin,  which  he  had  just  opened  to  Christianity. 
There  was  question  of  sending  de  Laval  there,  but  Palloux 
was  the  only  one  appointed. 

De  Bernieres  assented  to  the  strange  proposal  of  the 
young  widow.  He  either  married  her  or  let  it  be  under- 
stood that  he  did.  But  they  lived  apart;  he  directing  the 
finances  of  both  of  their  estates  into  religious  channels. 
Canada,  however,  for  a  long  time  did  not  share  in  these 
benefactions  until  after  a  chance  reading  by  Mme.  de  la 
Peltrie  of  the  Relations,  which  had  just  been  published. 
Impressed  very  much  by  the  conditions  there  described,  she 
heard,  or  thought  she  heard,  a  voice  while  she  was  kneeling 
in  prayer,  enjoining  upon  her  to  devote  her  energies  and 
her  resources  to  the  foundation  and  support  of  a  house  of 
education  in  the  new  colony.  Just  then  Father  Poncet 
arrived  in  Paris  on  his  way  to  the  missions,  and  without 
knowing  Marie  de  1' Incarnation,  who  was  a  nun  at  Tours, 
though  doubtless  he  had  heard  of  her,  wrote  to  say  that  she 
was  to  devote  herself  to  evangelical  work  in  the  New 
World.  Amazed  at  the  letter  advising  her  to  do  what  she 
had  been  long  thinking  of,  though  no  one  but  her  confessor 
was  aware  of  it,  her  astonishment  increased  when  Mme.  de 
la  Peltrie  and  de  Bernieres  arrived  at  the  convent  at  Tours 
inviting  her  to  undertake  the  journey  to  Canada. 

There  is  no  reason  to  seek  for  anything  supernatural  in 
all  this,  as  things  would  so  adjust  themselves  in  the  ordinary 
course  of  events.  Mme.  de  la  Peltrie,  hearing  of  Poncet's 
arrival  in  Paris,  on  his  way  to  the  missions,  would  naturally 

62 


MME.    DE    LA    PELTRIE. 


JOSEPH  PONCET. 

consult  him  about  the  kind  of  women  he  would  suggest  for 
the  new  foundation.  Marie  de  1'Incarnation  was  attracting 
attention  in  France  at  the  time,  and  so  Poncet  thought  of 
her,  though  it  is  hard  to  see  what  his  opinion  was  worth, 
as  he  had  never  been  in  Canada.  There  was,  perhaps,  too 
much  flutter  about  the  whole  scheme  to  be  reassuring,  but 
it  all  turned  out  for  the  best  and  soon  Marie  de  1'Incarnation 
and  her  nuns,  with  their  protectress  and  Fathers  Poncet  and 
Chaumonot,  were  cooped  up  in  their  little  vessel  on  the 
broad  Atlantic,  on  their  way  to  America. 

Charlevoix  gives  a  very  graphic  description  of  their  land- 
ing at  Sillery,  August,  1639.  He  tells  us  that  "  the  day  when 
they  arrived  was  a  holiday  for  the  whole  city;  all  labor 
ceased  and  the  shops  were  closed.  The  Governor  received 
these  heroines  at  the  river-side  at  the  head  of  his  troops, 
who  were  under  arms,  and  with  the  sound  of  cannon.  After 
the  first  compliments  he  led  them,  amid  the  acclamations  of 
the  people,  to  the  church,  where  the  Te  Deum  was  chanted 
in  thanksgiving.  These  pious  women  on  their  side,  in  the 
first  transport  of  joy,  kissed  the  earth  for  which  they  had 
so  long  sighed,  which  they  promised  themselves  to  water 
with  their  sweat,  and  did  not  even  despair  of  dyeing  with 
their  blood.  The  French  mingled  with  Indians,  pagans  with 
Christians,  and  continued  for  several  days  to  make  the  city 
resound  with  their  cries  of  joy." 

Poncet  was  not  left  at  Quebec  to  direct  the  holy  woman, 
Marie  de  ITncarnation,  whom  he  had  thus  guided  to 
America,  but  was  sent  immediately  to  the  Huron  mission. 
He  arrived  there  just  after  Brebeuf  and  his  companions  had 
invited  the  Indians  to  the  famous  banquet  of  death  where 
all  the  missionaries,  among  whom  was  Poncet's  cousin, 
Gamier,  expected  to  be  massacred.  Poncet  himself  does  not 
seem  to  have  done  anything  particularly  worthy  of  mention 
beyond  founding  an  Algonquin  mission  in  1645  on  the 
Island  of  St.  Mary's,  but  we  find  his  name  on  the  list  of  the 
great  men  whom  Parkman  has  glorified.  "  In  all  the 

63 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

voluminous  accounts  of  that  barbarous  period,"  he  says, 
"  not  a  single  line  permits  us  to  suspect  that  a  single  one  of 
that  loyal  and  brave  little  band  of  Jesuits  ever  faltered: 
the  indomitable  Brebeuf,  the  gentle  Gamier,  the  courageous 
Jogues,  the  enthusiastic  Chaumonot,  Lalemant,  Le  Mercier, 
Chastelain,  Daniel,  Pijart,  Ragueneau,  du  Perron,  Poncet 
or  Le  Moyne.  All  bore  themselves  with  a  tranquil  in- 
trepidity which  confounded  the  Indians  and  won  their  re- 
spect." To  have  been  named  in  such  company  is  glory 
enough  for  any  man. 

Shortly  after  this  he  returned  to  Quebec,  and  was  engaged 
chiefly  in  ministering  to  the  needs  of  the  people  of  the  city. 
Misfortunes  were  multiplying  in  the  upper  missions,  until 
they  were  finally  destroyed.  Proud  of  their  victory  the 
furious  Iroquois  were  carrying  their  depredations  to  the 
walls  of  Quebec.  The  whole  colony  was  in  consternation, 
and  one  day  when  Poncet  was  out  giving  the  alarm  to  the 
colonists  at  Cape  Rouge  and  helping  them  to  gather  in  their 
harvest,  the  savages  swooped  down  on  the  little  settlement 
and  took  him  prisoner.  With  him  was  a  Frenchman  named 
Mathurin  Franchetot.  On  August  20,  1653,  they  found 
themselves  dragging  their  weary  feet  down  to  the  very 
place  where  Jogues  had  been  martyred  seven  years  before. 

Poncet  was  very  popular  in  Quebec.  Marie  de  1'Incarna- 
tion  calls  him  "  le  doux  et  sympathique  Poncet."  At  the 
news  of  his  capture  300  men  seized  their  arms  and  started 
off  in  pursuit,  while  public  prayers  were  offered  in  the  city 
for  his  safety.  Hurrying  off  in  the  direction  of  Three 
Rivers  the  party  struck  the  trail,  and  on  their  way  saw  on 
the  trunk  of  a  tree  a  picture  of  two  heads  under  which  were 
Poncet's  and  Franchetot's  signatures.  A  little  later  they 
found  a  book  in  which  the  Father  had  written :  "  Six 
Hurons,  naturalized  as  Iroquois,  and  four  Mohawks  are 
carrying  us  off,  but  as  yet  have  done  us  no  harm."  He 
could  not  say  as  much  a  few  days  later. 

In  an  account  which  he  was  subsequently  ordered  to 

64 


JOSEPH  PONCET. 

write,  he  tells  us :  "  The  savage  who  had  captured  me  at 
Cape  Rouge  tore  my  reliquary  from  my  neck  and  put  it  on 
his  own.  One  day  when  he  was  running  in  the  woods  the 
reliquary  flew  open,  all  the  relics  were  lost,  and  nothing 
remained  but  a  small  piece  of  paper  on  which  I  had  written 
in  my  own  blood,  when  I  was  still  in  the  country  of  the 
Hurons,  the  names  of  our  Fathers  martyred  in  America, 
and  a  short  prayer  in  which  I  asked  Our  Lord  for  a  violent 
death  in  His  service,  and  the  grace  to  shed  all  my  blood  fof 
the  same  cause.  Having  thus  secured  the  paper,  I  saw  con- 
stantly before  my  eyes  the  sentence  of  my  death  written  in 
my  blood,  so  that  I  could  not  revoke  it.  Nevertheless  I  had 
a  feeling  that  those  great  souls  and  stout  hearts  who  pre- 
ceded me  in  the  conflict  had  merited  actual  martyrdom  be- 
cause of  their  great  virtues,  and  that  I,  who  had  only  the 
shadow  and  faint  likeness  thereof,  would  be  crucified  only 
in  appearance." 

On  the  second  day  he  was  lame  and  scarcely  able  to 
proceed  on  account  of  his  crippled  limbs,  hunger,  and  ex- 
haustion. While  crossing  the  Mohawk  he  heard  his  com- 
panion's confession.  It  was  fortunate,  for  poor  Franchetot 
was  burned  at  the  stake  a  day  or  so  afterwards.  They  were 
now  at  Ossernenon,  and  were  subjected  to  the  usual  torture 
of  beating  and  stretching  and  burning.  An  Indian  with 
one  eye  seems  to  have  been  an  especial  object  of  terror  to 
Poncet.  At  the  end  of  the  first  day  when  he  was  all  mangled 
and  bruised,  an  old  squaw  took  a  fancy  to  one  of  his  fingers, 
and  to  humor  her,  the  ogre  with  the  single  eye  called  up  a 
little  child  and  ordered  him  to  cut  off  the  finger.  The  order 
was  promptly  obeyed,  and  the  same  childish  hand  applied 
a  live  coal  to  the  stump  to  staunch  the  blood.  "  I  sung  the 
Vexilla,"  says  Poncet,  "  while  it  was  being  done,  but  as  the 
blood  did  not  cease  to  flow,  they  wrapped  the  wound  some 
time  after  in  a  leaf  of  Indian  corn,  and  that  was  all  the 
dressing  applied  till  my  life  had  been  granted  to  me.  At 
night  they  left  us  to  the  mercy  of  the  mob ;  some  struck  my 
s  65 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

wounded  finger,  put  hot  calumets  or  coals  upon  it,  and  the 
like.  During  two  nights  we  were  suspended  in  the  air  and 
bound  so  tight  that  we  suffered  excruciating  pain.  One 
night  they  applied  firebrands  to  our  flesh,  making  us  sing 
and  dance  meantime.  Sunday  arrived,  and  it  was  spent  in 
council  to  determine  what  should  be  done  with  us.  Both 
of  us  expected  to  be  killed,  but  it  was  decided  to  put  only 
Franchetot  to  death,  while  I  was  given  to  an  old  squaw  in 
place  of  a  brother  she  had  lost.  As  soon  as  I  entered  the 
cabin  I  was  made  to  sit  down  on  a  sort  of  a  table  near  a 
fire,  and  she  and  her  two  daughters  began  to  chant  the  song 
of  the  dead.  The  departed  was  supposed  to  live  again  in 
me.  These  poor  creatures  did  what  they  could  for  me, 
poulticing  my  hands  and  covering  them  with  filthy  rags 
worse  than  any  dish-cloth.  They  also  gave  me  a  greasy 
shirt,  all  with  much  kindness  and  affection." 

Suddenly,  on  September  11,  messengers  were  seen  coming 
in  great  haste  to  the  village.  They  ordered  Poncet's  release. 
What  had  happened?  The  rescue  party  which  had  set  out 
for  Quebec  arrived  at  Three  Rivers,  and  to  their  surprise 
found  it  invested  by  the  Iroquois.  The  Indians  were  caught 
in  a  trap:  three  hundred  men  in  their  rear  and  the  fort  in 
front.  They  made  a  brief  struggle  and  surrendered.  They 
were  all  going  to  be  massacred,  or  made  to  believe  so,  unless 
they  despatched  their  swiftest  runners  after  the  captors  of 
Poncet  and  brought  him  safely  back  to  Quebec.  The  offer 
was  accepted.  They  not  only  arrived  in  time  to  save  his 
life,  but  brought  such  wonderful  stories  about  the  esteem 
in  which  he  was  held  by  the  white  men  that  he  was  "  treated 
with  as  much  consideration  as  he  had  before  met  with  in- 
dignity." Nothing  was  too  good  for  him,  and  he  was 
brought  down  to  the  Dutch  at  Fort  Orange. 

Here  he  met  some  white  people  whose  history  is  of  un- 
usual interest.  One  was  a  dame  ecossaise.  Who  this  Scotch 
woman  was,  unfortunately  Poncet  does  not  tell  us.  Per- 
haps he  did  so  in  his  original  manuscript,  which  reached 

66 


JOSEPH  PONCET. 

Quebec  only  in  a  tattered  condition,  but  at  all  events  her 
name  has  not  come  down  to  us.  It  would  be  of  interest  to 
know,  for  she  had  journeyed  from  Quebec  in  search  of  a 
little  French  boy  who  had  been  captured  by  the  Indians. 
He  was  the  son  of  the  farmer  of  the  Jesuits  at  Beaupre. 
That  is  all  we  know  of  this  kind-hearted  woman  who  had 
incurred  such  dangers  for  the  little  lad  who  never  came 
back.  Was  she  a  Catholic?  We  do  not  know.  That  she 
was  Scotch  would  not  suggest  the  contrary,  for  Abraham 
Martin,  who  gave  his  name  to  the  Plains  of  Abraham,  was 
usually  called  I'ecossais. 

He  also  met  there  a  "  Waloon  merchant "  from  Brussels 
who  lavished  kindness  upon  him.  His  name,  however,  we 
are  left  in  ignorance  of.  But  the  most  romantic  figure  that 
appeared  on  that  occasion  stepped  out  of  the  throng  of 
Indians  and  addressed  the  missionary  in  excellent  French. 
This  was  the  famous  Radisson,  who  afterwards  not  only 
was  conspicuous  in  Canadian  history  but  became  of  in- 
ternational importance,  and  is  so  to-day.  Hence  it  may  be 
of  interest  to  interrupt  the  story  of  Poncet  for  a  moment 
to  say  a  word  of  this  remarkable  man. 

Pierre  Esprit  Radisson  was  born  at  St.  Malo,  in  France, 
and  arrived  in  Canada  in  1651.  The  next  year  he  was  cap- 
tured by  the  Mohawks  and  adopted  by  the  tribe.  He  has 
left  an  elaborate  account  of  his  travels,  and  if  we  are  to  take 
him  literally,  he  was  about  as  bad  as  the  savages.  However, 
when  he  says  "  we  killed  the  old  man  and  left  the  helpless 
old  woman  to  starve,"  and  the  like,  he  is  merely  chron- 
icling what  the  Indians  did.  At  all  events,  he  was  out  on 
a  warlike  expedition  with  his  brothers  the  Mohawks  against 
the  Dutch.  Apparently,  after  a  short  fight  an  agreement 
had  been  reached,  and  Radisson  found  himself  at  Fort 
Orange  with  his  "  family,"  the  Iroquois.  After  a  few  days 
he  and  the  Indians  departed,  but  evidently  the  grace  of  God 
was  working  in  the  poor  fellow's  heart.  He  made  his 
escape  and  presented  himself  at  Fort  Orange  to  ask  for 

67 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

protection.  The  whole  troop  of  Indians  followed  him, 
mourning  his  loss  rather  than  angry  at  his  flight,  for  they 
appear  to  have  been  very  much  attached  to  him.  But  the 
Dutch  refused  to  give  him  up  and  kept  him  in  concealment. 
Meantime  the  fugitive  paid  frequent  visits  to  Father  Poncet, 
or  Noncet,  as  the  papers  of  the  Prince  Society  call  him,  and 
straightened  out  the  affairs  of  his  soul.  He  was  probably 
very  badly  in  need  of  it.  Finally,  after  three  weeks  the 
Dutch  got  him  down  to  New  York  and  sent  him  to  Europe, 
but  he  came  back  to  America  and  married  a  wife  in  Three 
Rivers  in  1656. 

About  that  time  Father  Ragueneau  was  setting  out  for 
the  mission  at  Onondaga,  and  our  brave  Radisson  went 
with  him.  He  remained  there  until  the  mission  broke  up, 
and  has  left  a  minute  description  of  the  flight,  which  may 
be  referred  to  later  when  we  come  to  the  story  of  Father 
Ragueneau' s  adventures. 

Here  a  new  character  enters.  There  was  a  certain  Medard 
Chouart,  who  had  come  to  Canada  as  early  as  1641  when 
he  was  only  fifteen  years  of  age.  We  find  him  with  the 
missionaries  on  Lake  Huron  in  the  capacity  of  a  donne, 
but  in  1646  he  married  and  developed  into  a  fur  trader,  and 
having  met  with  considerable  success  and  acquired  a  grant 
of  land,  he  assumed  the  title  of  Sieur  des  Groselliers,  a  name 
destined  to  be  associated  with  Radisson  in  important  events 
of  the  colony. 

In  the  Relations  of  1655-56  we  are  told  that  on  August 
6,  1654,  "  two  young  Frenchmen,  full  of  courage,  having  re- 
ceived permission  from  Monsieur  le  Gouverneur  to  embark 
with  some  of  the  people  who  had  come  down  to  our  French 
settlements,  began  a  journey  of  more  than  500  leagues, 
under  the  guidance  of  these  Argonauts,  not  in  great  galleons 
or  long-oared  barges,  but  in  little  gondolas  of  bark.  They 
fully  expected  to  return  in  the  spring,  but  these  people  did 
not  conduct  them  home  until  towards  the  end  of  August, 
1656.  Their  arrival  caused  the  country  unusual  joy,  for 

68 


JOSEPH  PONCET. 

they  were  accompanied  by  500  canoes  laden  with  goods 
which  the  French  came  to  this  end  of  the  world  to  procure.'' 
It  is  surmised  that  these  two  young  Frenchmen  were  des 
Groselliers  and  Radisson.  The  latter,  as  we  have  said,  then 
went  up  to  the  Onondagas  with  Father  Ragueneau,  while 
his  companion  is  credited,  after  the  collapse  of  the  first  New 
York  mission,  with  being  one  of  the  seven  Frenchmen  who 
accompanied  Father  Menard  on  his  terrible  journey  out  to 
the  swamps  of  Wisconsin,  where  the  missionary  perished. 

Meantime  des  Groselliers  had  become  a  widower,  and 
married  Radisson's  sister,  and  the  two  traders  were  from 
that  out  inseparable.  In  1662  they  started  for  Hudson  Bay, 
and  coming  back  to  Quebec,  told  the  authorities  that  it  was 
folly  to  travel  to  the  far  West  in  quest  of  furs.  There  was 
an  inexhaustible  supply  at  their  very  doors.  They  were  not 
listened  to,  and  in  disgust  they  left  the  colony,  went  down 
by  the  way  of  Boston  and  took  ship  for  England.  There 
they  interested  Prince  Rupert,  the  hero  of  Naseby,  in  the 
project,  and  in  June,  1668,  they  left  the  Thames  in  the  good 
ship  "  Nonsuch,"  in  command  of  Captain  Zachary  Gillam, 
and  in  September  reached  Hudson  Bay.  The  territory  was 
called  Prince  Rupert's  Land,  a  name  which  it  still  retains, 
the  English  flag  was  hoisted,  and  the  Hudson  Bay  Com- 
pany started  operations. 

In  our  own  day  a  dispute  has  arisen  about  the  rights  of 
American  fishermen  in  Hudson  Bay,  and  in  the  interesting 
correspondence  on  the  subject  there  frequently  appears  the 
name  of  "  the  picturesque  Radisson,"  as  he  is  called;  not,  of 
course,  by  the  diplomats,  but  by  the  press.  This  is  the 
escaped  Indian  captive  whom  Father  Poncet  shrived  behind 
the  stockade  at  Fort  Orange  away  back  in  1653. 

Poncet  grumbles  a  bit  at  the  Dutch  Commander  at  Al- 
bany, who  gave  him  nothing  to  eat  and  allowed  him  to 
sleep  on  the  ground,  "  though  I  had  a  letter  from  the  Gov- 
ernor of  Quebec  " ;  but  an  Indian  brought  him  to  the  house 
of  the  Waloon  merchant,  where  he  was  hospitably  treated. 

69 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

The  day  had  come  for  his  departure.  He  was  dressed  up 
like  a  Dutchman.  "  My  hosts  urged  me  to  take  some  food 
for  my  journey,  but  I  contented  myself  with  some  peaches 
from  a  Brussels  merchant,"  which  would  suggest  that  he 
was  not  a  practical  missionary.  The  good  old  Scotch- 
woman, he  says,  also  helped  to  pack  some  fish  in  his  wallet, 
and  "  when  I  departed  I  had  to  promise  them  all  to  come 
back  and  see  them  next  summer,  so  much  kindness  and 
affection  did  they  manifest  to  me." 

One  article  of  apparel  which  he  left  behind  became  very 
famous  in  the  course  of  time.  It  was  an  old,  tattered  cas- 
sock. Years  afterwards,  an  Onondaga  squaw,  woman-like, 
had  a  dream  that  she  ought  to  have  a  black  dress.  Learning 
that  there  was  a  cassock  at  Fort  Orange,  she  tramped  all 
the  way  from  Onondaga  and  purchased  the  rag  from  the 
thrifty  Dutchmen,  who  made  her  pay  a  good  round  sum  for 
it.  She  furnished  the  money  and  no  doubt  paraded  around 
in  state  in  the  soutane  at  the  great  Indian  festivals. 

Ordinarily  the  road  to  Canada  was  by  Lake  Champlain, 
but  Poncet  did  not  go  that  way.  "  Leaving  the  Dutch  set- 
tlement," he  says,  "  I  was  conducted  to  the  village  of  the  man 
who  had  captured  me.  Upon  going  to  visit  him  he  returned 
me  my  breviary.  I  remained  two  days  in  the  cabin  where 
I  had  been  adopted ;  and  then  I  went  with  '  my  sister/  who 
had  given  me  my  life,  to  the  largest  of  the  Iroquois  villages 
for  the  purpose  of  attending  the  councils  and  assemblies  in 
which  the  question  of  peace  was  to  be  discussed.  This  con- 
clusion was  reached  in  the  village  where  the  first  French- 
man, the  good  Rene  Goupil,  companion  to  Father  Isaac 
Jogues,  had  been  killed  by  the  Iroquois." 

This  remark  does  not  imply  that  Jogues  was  not  killed 
there  also.  But  Poncet  was  always  finding  coincidences. 
He  is  merely  laying  emphasis  on  the  fact  that  Goupil  was 
the  first  killed,  and  that  the  suggestion  of  peace  was  made 
"  on  the  very  day  of  St.  Michael,  and  I  had  always  expected 
that  this  festival  would  not  pass  without  some  important 

70 


JOSEPH  PONCET. 

occurrence."  The  holy  man  seems  to  have  been  a  trifle 
sentimental  in  his  piety. 

"  Three  days  after,  I  was  told  that  the  chief  who  had 
escorted  me  to  the  Dutch  settlement  would  be  my  conductor 
to  the  country  of  the  French — not  by  water,  because  of  the 
storms  which  ordinarily  prevail  at  this  season  upon  Lake 
Champlain,  but  by  another  route  which  was  very  fatiguing 
to  me,  as  it  meant  a  journey  on  foot  through  those  great 
forests  for  seven  or  eight  days,  and  I  had  neither  strength 
nor  legs  for  such  an  undertaking."  But  the  Indian,  he  says, 
"  was  very  patient  with  me,"  and  so  Poncet  dragged  him- 
self along  this  trail,  which  led  up  the  Mohawk  as  far  as 
the  present  Herkimer,  and  then  north,  following  the  West 
Canada  Creek,  and  finally  reaching  Ogdensburg  on  the  St. 
Lawrence.  They  descended  the  river  in  boats  to  Montreal. 
He  notes  that  he  was  very  much  alarmed  as  they  shot  the 
Lachine  Rapids. 

"  On  the  3d  of  October  I  left  behind  me  the  last  village 
of  the  Iroquois.  On  a  little  hill,  a  short  distance  from  the 
village,  I  met  the  captains  and  old  men  of  the  country,  who 
were  waiting  for  me  with  presents  which  they  sent  in  rati- 
fication of  the  peace.  They  made  their  last  harangue  to  me, 
urging  me  to  bind  our  new  alliance  firmly.  All  those  whom 
we  met  bestowed  some  endearment  on  me  according  to 
their  custom,  and  begged  me  to  use  my  influence  in  con- 
cluding a  satisfactory  peace  with  the  French." 

Before  they  reached  the  end  of  their  journey  runners 
overtook  them  to  say  that  the  Iroquois  hostages  at  the  fort 
had  been  put  in  irons.  For  a  time  the  guides  hesitated  about 
going  on ;  but  on  the  assurance  of  Poncet  that  he  would  be 
responsible  for  their  lives  they  resumed  their  tramp.  It 
was  found  out  afterwards  that  the  man  who  had  been  put 
in  irons  was  not  an  Iroquois  but  a  drunken  Algonquin.  "  At 
last  we  landed  safely  on  the  24th  of  October,"  he  says, 
"  nine  weeks  having  been  passed  in  honor  of  St.  Michael 
and  all  the  holy  angels  since  the  beginning  of  my  captivity. 

71 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

"  Finally,  on  the  5th  of  November,  we  set  foot  on  the 
shore  at  Quebec;  on  the  6th  our  Iroquois  made  their  pres- 
ents in  the  cause  of  peace,  which  were  responded  to  with 
other  presents,  and  thus  upon  Sunday  evening,  eighty-one 
days  after  my  capture — that  is  to  say,  just  nine  times  nine 
days — the  great  affair  of  peace  was  brought  to  a  close." 
This  mathematical  piety  of  Poncet  is  peculiar,  especially  in 
connection  with  such  undoubted  heroism.  Thwaites  has 
ascribed  to  him  the  chief  credit  of  bringing  about  a  reconcil- 
iation with  the  Indians. 

Those  eighty-one  days  constitute  the  whole  of  Poncet's 
enforced  stay  in  New  York.  Possibly  he  regretted  not 
having  stayed  longer,  for  he  subsequently  found  himself 
the  storm-centre  of  an  ecclesiastical  war  in  Quebec. 

When  the  question  of  establishing  a  bishopric  in  Quebec 
was  mooted,  one  of  the  most  distinguished  Sulpitians  of 
the  time,  the  famous  Abbe  Queylus,  was  thought  rightly 
or  wrongly  to  be  aspiring  to  the  honor;  though  why  he 
should  do  so  is  hard  to  conjecture,  for  the  colonists  were 
just  then  seriously  thinking  of  going  back  to  France  in  a 
body,  so  aggressive  had  the  terrible  Iroquois  become.  The 
names  of  the  Jesuits,  Ragueneau,  Le  Jeune,  and  Lalemant, 
had  also  been  suggested  for  the  place,  but  the  General  set 
his  embargo  on  any  such  honor.  Finally,  after  much  dis- 
cussion, it  all  ended  in  the  disappointment  of  Queylus  and 
the  nomination  of  M.  Legauffre,  who,  however,  died  before 
he  was  able  to  come  to  his  see.  This  episcopal  controversy 
unfortunately  gave  rise  to  another  trouble.  The  question 
came  up  about  the  source  of  the  ecclesiastical  faculties  of 
the  priests  of  Canada.  Rome  had  bestowed  them  on  the 
Jesuits,  but  the  Bishop  of  Rouen  maintained  that  they 
should  come  from  him,  as  the  vessels  sailing  for  America 
usually  weighed  anchor  in  that  port,  which  of  course  was 
an  absurd  contention.  To  settle  the  matter,  however,  and 
to  be  provided  with  a  double  authorization,  Father  Vimont 
was  sent  to  France  to  secure  episcopal  faculties  in  addition 

72 


VEN.  MARIE  DE  L  INCARNATION, 


JOSEPH  PONCET. 

to  those  given  by  the  Pope.  They  were  granted,  and  over 
and  above  that  the  Superior,  Father  De  Quen,  was  made 
the  Bishop's  Vicar-General.  Things  went  smoothly  for  a 
while  until  the  irrepressible  de  Queylus  arrived  a  second 
time  in  the  colony,  armed  with  the  authority  of  Vicar-Gen- 
eral also.  De  Quen  had  received  no  notification  of  the 
revocation  of  his  own  powers,  and  very  unwisely  did  not 
dispute  the  claims  of  Queylus,  who  forthwith  proceeded  to 
dispose  of  things  as  he  chose,  while  de  Quen  remained 
quiet.  Having  taken  a  fancy  to  Father  Poncet,  de  Queylus 
appointed  him  Parish  Priest  of  Quebec.  As  Poncet  did 
something  displeasing  to  his  religious  Superior,  he  was 
transferred,  and  that  aroused  the  wrath  of  Queylus,  although 
he  had  previously  agreed  that  the  Jesuit  Superior  might 
exercise  that  power.  To  remove  all  cause  of  trouble  Poncet 
was  therefore  ordered  to  the  Onondaga  mission.  He  obeyed 
like  a  good  religious,  but  passed  through  Montreal  on  his 
way,  and  there  met  de  Queylus,  who  usually  resided  in 
that  place.  The  Vicar-General  became  angry  and  not  only 
forbade  him  to  proceed  on  his  journey,  but  brought  him 
back  to  Quebec.  The  storm  of  course  grew  worse  after  this 
clash  of  jurisdiction.  It  all  ended  in  Poncet's  being  sent 
back  to  Europe,  and  we  find  him  installed  as  French  Peni- 
tentiary at  Loretto,  where  he  and  Chaumonot  had  knelt  as 
pilgrims  years  before  on  their  way  out  to  America.  But 
he  still  had  to  see  many  men  and  cities,  and  in  1665  he  was 
sent  to  Martinique. 

We  do  not  know  what  he  did  there,  though  possibly  the 
forthcoming  work  by  Rochemonteix  will  afford  us  some 
information.  Unfortunately  he  found  himself  in  an  at- 
mosphere of  litigiousness  as  bad  as  the  one  from  which  he 
had  escaped.  The  Jesuits  had  been  there  since  1640,  and 
at  the  time  of  Poncet's  arrival  they  numbered  about  four- 
teen priests  and  some  lay  brothers.  In  1655,  the  Paris 
Nuncio  reports  that  "  in  Martinique  alone  there  were  from 
15,000  to  20,000  souls  with  some  Jesuit  Fathers."  An 

73 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

official  summary  of  conditions  about  that  time  reports  that 
in  St.  Christopher,  Guadaloupe,  and  Martinique  the  greater 
number  of  missionaries  who  live  in  those  islands  are  Jesuits, 
and  they  render  the  greatest  service  to  God."  »As  usual, 
there  were  the  stock  accusations,  which  in  this  case  were  con- 
cocted by  an  anonymous  Scotchman  whose  charges  were 
improved  upon  by  a  certain  Urbano  Cerri  about  the  Jesuit 
opposition  to  any  ecclesiastical  government  or  hierarchy. 
Dissension  also  raged  throughout  all  the  Antilles  between 
the  Dominicans,  Augustinians,  Carmelites,  etc.,  about  their 
relative  jurisdictions.  Even  the  good  Dominican  Sisters  in 
Martinique  kept  up  a  long  wail  about  the  refusal  of  the 
Jesuits  to  be  their  spiritual  directors. 

The  most  prominent  Jesuit  there  was  Father  Grillet,  and 
we  meet  him  in  association  with  the  famous  de  la  Barre, 
who  afterwards  figured  so  disastrously  in  Canadian  history 
in  his  attempt  to  subdue  the  Iroquois.  De  la  Barre  very 
warmly  commends  Father  Grillet  to  the  English  Lord  Wil- 
loughby,  who  in  his  letter  says :  "  As  to  Father  Grillet,  he 
merited  much  more  of  civility  than  I  was  capable  to  show 
him;  and  doubtless  it  is  his  goodness  if  he  doth  not  com- 
plain." But  though  Grillet  was  so  acceptable  to  the  French 
and  English,  he  did  not  find  favor  with  the  Dutch,  for  they 
were  angry  at  him  for  some  reason  or  another  and  carried 
him  off  as  a  prisoner  to  Holland. 

It  was  in  these  turbulent  surroundings  that  Poncet  spent 
the  last  ten  years  of  his  life.  What  were  his  occupations 
there  we  do  not  know.  He  gave  up  the  ghost  on  June  18, 
1675,  no  doubt  glad  that  his  weary  journey  was  ended. 


SIMON  LE  MOYNE. 

IN  1651,  two  years  after  the  death  of  Brebeuf,  the  colo- 
nists of  Canada  were  seriously  thinking  of  giving  up 
their  fight  with  the  Indians  and  of  returning  to  France. 
Their  Huron  Allies  had  been  annihilated ;  the  efforts  of  the 
missionaries  to  establish  a  permanent  settlement  near  the 
great  lakes  had  failed,  and  the  conquering  Iroquois  of  New 
York  were  threatening  the  very  citadel  of  Quebec.  A  little 
later  they  defiantly  carried  off  prisoners  from  the  Isle  d'Or- 
leans;  they  were  beleaguering  Three  Rivers  for  months; 
and  Montreal  would  have  succumbed  but  for  the  amazing 
courage  of  its  little  garrison.  The  situation  was  saved  by 
the  return  from  France  of  Maisonneuve. 

Maisonneuve  was  one  of  the  many  splendid  picturesque 
cavaliers  who  figure  in  Canadian  history.  He  had  accepted 
the  post  of  Commandant,  mostly,  if  not  altogether,  for  re- 
ligious motives,  and  his  life  there  reads  like  a  chapter  from 
the  history  of  the  knights  of  olden  times  who  engraved  the 
cross  on  their  armor,  and  battled  for  the  cause  of  Chris- 
tianity. Very  properly  his  statue  adorns  the  Montreal  of 
to-day  and  recalls  the  exalted  heroism  of  his  long  fight  with 
the  red  men  that  made  the  city  a  possibility  by  the  victory 
he  won. 

All  he  could  get  in  France  was  one  hundred  soldiers, 
whom  he  paid  for  himself.  But  that  was  enough  to  turn 
the  tide  of  battle  and  make  the  Indians  come  to  terms,  which 
shows  how  easily  the  French  could  have  held  their  grasp 
on  their  American  possessions  if  the  home  government  had 
been  gifted  with  better  sense.  Possibly  the  Indians  thought 
this  corporal's  guard  was  a  promise  of  more  to  come,  and 
deemed  it  prudent  to  make  peace,  though  Thwaites  thinks 
that  Father  Poncet,  who  was  then  a  prisoner  among  the 
Mohawks,  had  something  to  do  with  this  change  of  heart. 

75 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

But  that  is  doubtful.  The  Indians  had  decided  to  stop  fight- 
ing for  other  reasons ;  though  Poncet,  on  his  way  back,  was 
paid  every  honor,  and  was  earnestly  solicited  to  lend  his 
aid  in  securing  peace.  But  no  matter  from  whom  the  offer 
came,  Governor  De  Lauson  was  only  too  ready  to  accept  a 
parley,  and  so  in  November,  1653,  it  was  agreed  to  let  the 
grass  grow  on  the  warpath. 

When  the  treaty  was  made,  a  delegate  had  to  be  sent  to 
the  Indians.  A  Jesuit  would,  of  course,  be  the  most  avail- 
able representative,  not  because  the  Order  systematically 
trained  its  members  to  be  politicians,  as  Douglas,  in  his 
"  Quebec  in  the  Seventeenth  Century,"  assures  his  readers, 
but  because  they  knew  the  Indian  languages  and  ways,  and 
it  did  not  matter  much  whether  they  were  killed  or  not. 
General  Clark,  who  has  made  such  a  profound  study  of 
Indian  customs,  used  to  think  that  some  of  the  Fathers 
rather  invited  that  method  of  happy  despatch,  which  would 
prove  that  they  were  not  politicians. 

Looking  around  for  the  proper  man,  the  choice  naturally 
fell  upon  Father  Chaumonot,  who  knew  the  Iroquois  dia- 
lects, and  was  a  persona  grata  to  the  savages.  But  he  could 
not  leave  his  Hurons  on  the  Isle  d'Orleans,  so  Father  Simon 
Le  Moyne  was  chosen  in  his  stead. 

Le  Moyne  was  then  about  fifty  years  of  age.  He  had 
entered  the  Society  at  Rouen,  in  France,  when  he  was  a  boy 
of  eighteen,  and  had  been  in  Canada  ever  since  1638,  work- 
ing chiefly  in  the  various  Huron  missions.  It  is  worth 
noting  that  while  he  was  a  professor  at  Clermont,  in  his 
native  country,  he  was  an  active  member  of  a  "  League  of 
Prayer  for  the  Canadian  Missions." 

On  his  arrival  in  America  he  was  immediately  sent  up 
to  Lake  Huron  and  was  there  associated  with  Brebeuf, 
Daniel,  Lalemant,  Jogues,  and  the  rest  of  those  splendid 
heroes  and  martyrs;  from  which  we  can  measure  his  spir- 
itual stature.  The  Indians  gave  him  the  name  of  Wane, 
probably  the  result  of  an  Indian  effort  to  pronounce  the 

76 


SIMON  LE  MOYNE. 

name  Moyne.  Having  no  m  in  their  language,  they  com- 
promised on  half  the  sound.  In  English  we  should  write 
it  phonetically  Won.  Fifteen  years  later,  when  he  came 
down  to  the  Iroquois  of  New  York,  they  called  him  by 
Father  Jogues'  old  title  of  Ondessonk. 

Le  Moyne's  first  experience  of  Indian  methods  was  not 
a  pleasant  one.  It  occurred  on  the  way  up  to  the  Huron 
country.  The  details  of  it  are  found  in  a  letter  from  Father 
Du  Perron  to  Father  Le  Mercier  (Relations,  1638). 

"  I  left  Three  Rivers  on  the  4th  of  September  and  reached 
the  Huron  country  on  St.  Michael's  Day  (29th)  at  twelve 
o'clock  at  night.  The  journey  is  one  of  300  leagues  by 
water,  through  many  long  and  dangerous  rapids,  some  two 
or  three  leagues  in  length;  consequently,  none  but  savages 
can  undertake  the  journey.  The  Huron  captain  showed  me 
every  courtesy  along  the  way,  which  was  not  the  case  with 
Father  Lalemant  and  Father  Le  Moyne,  who  departed  be- 
fore I  did.  The  former  was  almost  strangled  by  one  of  the 
Algonquins,  who  tried  several  times  to  put  a  bowstring 
around  his  neck  to  kill  him,  in  revenge  for  the  death  of  one 
of  his  children  who  had  been  bled  by  one  of  our  men  and 
had  died." 

Evidently  Le  Moyne  did  not  find  favor  with  the  Indians, 
for  he  and  another  Frenchman  were  thrown  out  of  the 
canoe,  and  left  to  shift  for  themselves  in  the  forests.  They 
nearly  died  of  starvation,  but  fortunately  Du  Perron,  who 
was  following  his  party,  found  them  two  weeks  later  and 
induced  the  Indians,  by  bribing  them  with  a  blanket,  to  take 
in  the  two  castaways.  Du  Perron's  own  position  was  not 
by  any  means  safe,  for,  like  Lalemant,  he  also  narrowly 
escaped  strangulation.  Le  Moyne  witnessed  both  these  at- 
tempts. 

The  journey  was  hard  enough  to  satisfy  all  his  expecta- 
tions. 

"  Our  food,"  says  Du  Perron,  "  was  only  a  little  Indian 
corn,  crushed  between  two  stones,  and  boiled  in  water;  our 

77 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

lodging  sub  dio.  Nevertheless,  I  was  always  very  well, 
thank  God." 

We  have  a  characteristic  letter  from  Le  Moyne  himself, 
describing  his  feelings  after  being  thrown  out  of  the  boat. 
An  extract  will  suffice.  "  I  do  not  know  whether  it  is  my 
sins  that  close  to  me  the  gate  of  the  country  I  have  so  greatly 
desired,  but,  at  all  events,  here  I  am,  stripped  and  forsaken, 
on  a  point  of  sand,  beyond  the  little  nation  of  the  Algon- 
quins,  with  no  other  house  than  the  great  world.  Only 
three  days  ago  the  canoe  that  carried  our  little  baggage  up- 
set in  the  water,  and  our  packages  were  carried  away  by 
the  current.  We  fished  up  one  of  them  with  a  great  deal 
of  trouble,  but  the  other  was  lost,  so  that  we  have  nothing 
whatever  with  us.  God  be  blessed  for  all." 

After  many  mishaps  he  reached  Lake  Huron,  and  a  letter 
to  his  friend,  the  Cure  of  Beauvais,  in  France,  describes  his 
feelings.  It  is  addressed  to  "  Monsieur  and  dearest  Cousin," 
and  exclaims :  "  Marvellous  if  this  scrap  of  paper  should 
reach  you  after  shooting  so  many  rapids  and  encountering, 
as  it  must,  so  many  dangers.  Is  it  not  because  my  spirit 
has  opened  the  way  for  it,  not  once,  but,  again  and  again, 
a  thousand  times?  "  He  would  have  cried  "  marvellous!  " 
with  still  more  emphasis,  if  he  had  been  able  to  foresee  that 
after  250  years,  a  Protestant  publishing  house  in  America 
would  rejoice  at  the  discovery  of  this  "  scrap  of  paper  " 
and  not  only  put  its  words  in  print,  but  photograph  it  just 
as  he  wrote  it,  so  that  we  may  see  the  exact  handwriting  of 
the  lonely  missionary  in  his  little  hut  far  out  on  Lake  Huron, 
which  he  describes  as  "  Notre  Residence  de  la  Conception." 
The  letter  is  worth  quoting. 

"  Oh,  if  you  could  see  me  here,  in  this  end  of  the  world, 
blessing  the  water,  singing  at  the  aspersion,  and  saying 
holy  Mass  for  the  Parishioners  of  this  district — for  after 
eight  or  nine  months  we  count  in  this  barbarous  region  two 
or  three  Churches  or  Gatherings  of  Neophytes.  But  what 
a  consolation  it  is  to  a  sympathetic  heart  to  see  here  every 

78 


SIMON  LE  MOYNE. 

day  in  our  cabins  how  our  good  Jesus  is  adored  by  a  people 
to  whom  He  is  as  yet  only  partially  known.  I  say  every 
day,  for,  although  they  do  not  come  to  hear  the  Mass,  ex- 
cept at  the  solemn  feasts  and  on  Sundays,  yet  they  come  to 
our  bark  chapel  every  morning  and  often  every  evening  to 
say  their  prayers.  Do  you  know  how?  We  have  trans- 
lated into  their  language  the  sign  of  the  cross,  a  suitable 
Act  of  Contrition,  of  12  or  13  lines,  the  Pater,  the  Ave, 
and  several  prayers  of  that  sort,  which  these  faithful  Neo- 
phytes— most  of  them  adults  and  aged  men — recite  after 
me  on  all  sides,  with  great  feeling.  God  from  the  beginning 
must  indeed  have  made  good  their  defects  of  understanding, 
since  they  themselves  so  discreetly  feign  not  to  notice  our 
blunders  in  the  pronunciation  of  their  language.  Until 
such  time  as  you  have  the  satisfaction  of  reading  our  Rela- 
tion of  this  year,  I  send  to  my  Brother  the  Jesuit  what  will 
serve  to  whet  rather  than  satiate  your  curiosity.  I  hope 
that  my  mother  will  show  it  to  you.  I  recommend  her  and 
myself  to  you  in  your  Holy  Sacrifices  and  prayers,  for  I 
am  from  the  other  world,  to  you  cordially  the  same  as  ever, 
that  is, 

"  Sir,  and  dearest  Cousin, 

"  Your  very  humble  and  obliged  servant  and  cousin, 

"  SIMON  LE  MOYNE, 

"  Of  the  Society  of  Jesus." 

The  letter  to  "  my  brother  the  Jesuit "  has  not  come 
down  to  us.  Possibly  the  beloved  mother,  who  was  to  show 
it  to  the  Cure,  would  not  give  it  up.  From  the  portrait  of 
Le  Moyne's  brother,  who  was  handsome,  we  may  guess 
what  the  great  missionary  looked  like.  Unfortunately,  we 
have  no  portrait  of  the  greater  of  the  two. 

All  this  was  in  1639,  when  everything  looked  rose-colored 
to  the  enthusiastic  young  missionary.  The  next  ten  years 
was  a  period  of  privation,  suffering,  danger  and  destruction, 
such  as  no  mission  on  the  globe  at  that  time  was  called  to 
undergo.  It  ended  in  the  awful  deaths  of  Brebeuf,  Lale- 

79 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

mant,  Gamier,  Chabanel  and  others;  the  massacre  of  the 
Huron  Christians  and  the  utter  annihilation  of  the  tribes, 
who  could  have  easily  crushed  the  Iroquois,  if  they  had  not 
lost  their  courage;  but  they  fled  like  hares  in  all  directions 
and  were  either  slaughtered  or  absorbed  into  the  Neuters, 
Petuns  and  other  tribes. 

Where  was  Le  Moyne  during  that  time  ?  The  Relations 
merely  say  that  he  and  others  followed  the  fugitives  through 
the  woods  and  over  the  mountains,  doing  all  that  was  pos- 
sible to  bring  help  in  the  universal  ruin. 

The  French  found  him,  however,  when  he  was  needed 
for  the  dangerous  mission  to  the  Iroquois.  "  In  accepting 
it,"  says  Douglas,  "  he  took  his  life  in  his  hands."  Shea 
tells  us :  "  He  left  it  in  the  hands  of  the  Almighty," — which 
was  better. 

He  started  from  Quebec  on  July  2.  "  At  Montreal,"  ac- 
cording to  the  Relations,  "  a  young  man  of  stout  heart  and 
long  a  resident  here,  very  piously  joined  him."  Le  Moyne 
kept  a  careful  diary  of  this  remarkable  journey,  a  few  quota- 
tions from  which  reveal  the  light-heartedness  of  this  won- 
derful old  Frenchman,  going  right  into  what  might  be,  at 
any  moment,  a  terrible  death.  It  was  written  in  a  canoe,  or 
in  the  forests,  and  almost  every  line  of  it  bubbles  over  with 
what  seems  almost  like  merriment,  while  displaying  at  the 
same  time  the  most  splendid  and  unflinching  heroism. 

"  On  the  17th  day  of  July,  St.  Alexis'  Day,  we  set  out 
from  home  with  that  great  saint  of  many  travels  toward  a 
land  unknown  to  us. 

"  The  19th — The  river  continues  to  increase  in  width, 
and  forms  a  lake,  pleasant  to  the  sight,  and  eight  or  ten 
leagues  in  length.  In  the  evening  a  swarm  of  troublesome 
mosquitoes  gave  us  warning  of  rain,  which  drenched  us  all 
night  long.  It  is  a  pleasure,  sweet  and  innocent  beyond  con- 
ception, to  have  under  these  conditions  no  shelter  but  the 
trees,  planted  by  nature  since  the  creation  of  the  world. 

"  The  20th — We  see  nothing  but  islands  of  the  most 

80 


SIMON  LE  MOYNE. 

beautiful  apearance  in  the  world,  intercepting  here  and  there 
the  course  of  this  very  peaceful  river. 

"  The  21st — The  islands  continue.  It  rains  all  night,  and 
the  bare  rocks  serve  us  as  bed,  mattress,  and  everything  else. 
He  who  has  God  with  him  rests  calmly  everywhere. 

11  On  the  22d  we  reach  the  rapids,  and  the  same  day  see 
a  herd  of  wild  cows  proceeding  in  a  very  calm  and  leisurely 
manner.  In  the  night  we  wait  patiently,  while  the  swarm 
of  mosquitoes  attack  us — a  task  often  more  difficult  than 
facing  death  itself. 

"  On  the  25th  we  arrive  at  the  mouth  of  Lake  St.  Ignace, 
where  eels  abound  in  prodigious  numbers. 

"  On  the  26th  a  high  wind  forces  us  to  land.  A  cabin 
is  soon  made;  bark  is  stripped  from  the  neighboring  trees, 
and  thrown  over  poles  planted  in  the  ground  on  either  side, 
and  made  to  meet  in  the  form  of  an  arbor,  and  there  you 
have  your  house  complete.  Ambition  gains  no  entrance  to 
this  palace,  and  it  is  every  whit  as  acceptable  to  us  as  if  its 
roof  were  of  gold. 

"  On  the  28th — Nothing  but  thunder  and  lightning  and 
a  deluge  of  rain,  forcing  us  to  seek  the  shelter  of  our  canoe, 
which,  turned  bottom  upward  over  our  head,  serves  as  a 
house. 

"  On  the  29th  and  30th  of  July  the  windstorm  continues 
and  checks  our  progress  at  the  mouth  of  a  great  lake,  called 
Ontario,  etc." 

He  was  now  in  Iroquois  territory,  but  his  diary  does  not 
indicate  that  to  reach  it  he  went  up  as  far  as  the  Oswego 
River.  For,  on  St.  Ignatius'  Day,  we  find  him  "  pene- 
trating pathless  wastes,  crossing  long  islands,  and  shoulder- 
ing the  baggage  and  provisions  and  canoe.  This  road  seems 
long  to  a  poor  man  who  is  thoroughly  fatigued/' 

"  He  apparently  followed  an  overland  route,"  says 
Thwaites,  "  from  Lake  Ontario  to  Onondaga  village,  prob- 
ably from  the  mouth  of  the  Salmon  River  southward." 

On  August  1st  the  first  Indian  he  meets  is  a  Huron  cap- 
e  81 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

tive,  whom  he  had  instructed  and  baptized  some  years  be- 
fore. The  joy  of  both  can  be  imagined.  The  next  day  there 
was  a  tramp  of  fifteen  leagues  through  the  woods.  On  the 
3d  he  came  to  a  river  "  a  hundred  or  a  hundred  and  twenty 
paces  in  width."  On  that  day  "  I  baptised  some  little  skele- 
tons, who,  perhaps,  were  only  waiting  for  the  drop  of  the 
precious  blood  of  Jesus  Christ."  He  found  many  sick 
people,  and  "  I  was  regarded  as  a  great  medicine  man,  al- 
though I  had  as  my  sole  remedy  only  a  bit  of  sugar  to  give 
to  those  feeble  creatures." 

On  the  5th  he  arrived  at  the  chief  village  of  Onondaga. 
"  The  roads  are  full  of  people,  going  and  coming,  who  are 
out  to  greet  me.  One  calls  me  brother ;  another,  uncle ;  an- 
other, cousin.  /  never  had  so  many  kinsfolk  before.  At  a 
quarter  of  a  league  from  the  village  I  began  a  harangue, 
which  brought  me  into  high  favor.  I  called  by  name  all 
the  captains,  families,  and  persons  of  importance."  (Bres- 
sani,  who  had  been  a  captive  among  the  Iroquois,  had 
coached  him  in  this  knowledge  of  genealogy.)  "  I  spoke 
slowly  and  in  the  tone  of  a  captain.  I  told  them  that  peace 
was  attending  my  course;  that  I  was  dispelling  war  in  the 
more  distant  nations,  and  that  joy  was  accompanying  me. 
Two  captains  made  a  harangue  upon  my  entrance,  with  a 
joy  and  light  on  their  countenances  I  had  never  seen  in 
savages.  That  night  I  caused  the  chiefs  to  assemble,  in 
order  to  give  them  two  presents.  The  purpose  of  the  first 
was  to  wipe  their  faces,  so  that  they  might  look  on  me  with 
favor;  the  second  was  to  remove  any  gall,  etc." 

These  extraordinary  results  were,  of  course,  metaphorical 
and  moral,  for  the  children  of  nature  are  nothing,  if  not 
poetic.  Later  on  we  find  him  applying  a  poultice  of  porce- 
lain to  an  Indian  who  was  stabbed  in  the  neck,  and  the  vic- 
tim admitted  he  was  soothed. 

The  10th  of  August  arrived,  Le  Moyne  in  the  interim 
seeing  many  of  the  Christian  Hurons  who  were  captives 
there.  "  The  chiefs  assembled,"  the  journal  continues. 

82 


SIMON  LE  MOYNE. 

"  and  I  opened  the  proceedings  with  a  public  prayer  which 
I  offered  on  my  knees,  and  in  a  loud  voice,  using  the  Huron 
tongue  throughout.  I  appealed  to  the  great  Master  of 
Heaven  and  Earth  that  He  might  inspire  us  to  act  for  His 
glory  and  our  own  good.  I  cursed  all  the  demons  of  hell, 
since  they  are  spirits  of  discord,  and  I  prayed  the  guardian 
angels  of  the  entire  country  to  speak  to  the  hearts  of  my 
hearers  when  my  words  should  strike  their  ears.  I  aston- 
ished them  greatly  when  they  heard  me  name  them  all  by 
nations,  bands,  and  families,  and  each  person  individually, 
who  was  of  some  little  consequence — all  by  the  help  of  my 
written  list,  which  was  to  them  a  thing  full  both  of  charm 
and  novelty.  I  told  them  I  had  nineteen  words  to  lay  before 
them." 

These  "  nineteen  words  "  were  so  many  discourses  which 
accompanied  the  bestowing  of  belts,  each  of  which  bound 
the  Iroquois  to  one  or  another  act.  "  With  the  nineteenth 
present,  I  wiped  away  the  tears  of  the  young  warriors  for 
the  death  of  their  great  captain."  Then  follow,  in  the  diary, 
resumes  of  the  Indian  discourses.  After  this  the  convention 
came  to  an  end. 

Le  Moyne  tells  us  that  on  this  occasion  he  strutted  around 
like  an  actor,  gesticulating  extravagantly,  imitating  the 
manner  of  their  great  orators,  each  time  winning  great 
grunts  of  applause  from  the  attendant  chiefs,  and  keeping 
up  his  flood  of  eloquence  for  over  two  hours.  The  amusing 
part  of  it  is  that  it  was  all  in  Huron,  of  which  the  Iroquois 
had  only  a  general  knowledge.  It  was  the  parent  stock. 
The  impressive  manner  which  he  assumed — he  was  a  past 
master  in  mimicry — no  doubt  overwhelmed  them,  and  pos- 
sibly whispered  interpretations  were  being  given  at  the  sr.me 
time  to  let  them  know  what  he  was  saying. 

That  first  council  was  held  on  Indian  Hill  over  against 
the  present  Pompey,  and  Le  Moyne's  eyes  were  the  first  to 
rest  upon  that  scene  of  enchanting  beauty,  with  its  great 
hills  covered  by  dense  forests,  with  the  deep  valleys  between. 

83 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

and  the  gleam  of  Lake  Onondaga  on  the  sky-line  beyond. 
The  smoke  of  Syracuse  is  not  far  from  there  now. 

It  is  doubtful  if  the  Huron  captives,  as  is  sometimes  sup- 
posed, were  corralled  in  any  special  place  in  those  valleys; 
for  Le  Moyne  met  them  even  in  the  distant  fishing  villages 
when  he  entered  the  country. 

On  the  12th  he  happened  upon  a  treasure  which  must 
have  made  his  heart  thrill  with  delight.  "  I  recovered  from 
the  hands  of  one  of  these  barbarians  the  New  Testament  of 
Father  de  Brebeuf,  whom  they  cruelly  put  to  death  five 
years  before,  and  another  little  book  of  devotion  that  had 
been  used  by  Father  Gamier,  whom  these  very  people  killed 
four  years  ago.  These  two  Fathers  were  at  their  missions 
when  that  blessed  death  overtook  them  as  a  reward  for  the 
labors  of  many  years  which  they  spent  in  holy  service  in 
these  regions.  As  for  myself,  who  had  been  a  witness  to 
the  sanctity  of  their  lives  and  the  glory  of  their  deaths,  I 
shall  all  my  life  attach  greater  value  to  these  two  little  books, 
their  beloved  relics,  than  if  I  had  found  a  mine  of  gold  or 
silver." 

On  the  13th  he  convoked  the  council  again,  and  "  in  the 
name  of  the  Superior-General  of  all  the  Missions  of  our 
Society  in  these  regions,"  he  says,  "  I  began  by  planting  the 
first  stake  for  a  new  cabin.  This  corresponds  to  our  French 
custom  of  laying  the  foundation  stone  of  a  new  building." 
The  exact  place  where  this  precious  stake  was  driven  is  hard 
to  determine. 

"  On  the  15th  I  give  my  Farewell  Feast.  On  the  16th 
we  arrived  at  the  entrance  to  a  little  lake  in  a  great  basin 
that  is  half  dried  up;  I  taste  the  water  from  a  spring  of 
which  these  people  dare  not  drink,  as  they  say  there  is  an 
evil  spirit  in  it  which  renders  it  foul.  Upon  tasting  it,  I 
find  it  to  be  a  spring  of  salt  water,  and  indeed  we  made  some 
salt  from  it,  as  natural  as  that  which  comes  from  the  sea, 
and  are  carrying  a  sample  of  it  to  Quebec.  The  lake  is  rich 
in  salmon  trout  and  other  fish."  Later  on  he  told  the  Dutch 

84 


SIMON  LE  MOYNE. 

at  Albany  of  these  salt  springs,  but  old  Dominie  Megapo- 
lensis  wrote  to  the  burghers  of  New  Amsterdam  that  it  was 
"  a  Jesuit  lie."  The  lie  is  there  yet  and  productive  of  vast 
revenues  in  the  world  of  business. 

The  route  which  he  took  on  his  return  may  be  roughly 
indicated  as  follows :  Starting  a  little  S.  E.  of  what  is  now 
Manlius,  he  followed  the  trail  leading  to  the  Senecas  as  far 
as  the  Onondaga  River.  Then  descending  to  Onondaga 
Lake,  he  stopped  near  one  of  the  salt  springs,  north  of  the 
present  Syracuse.  Continuing  down  this  lake  and  stream, 
he  reached  the  Seneca,  which  is  called  there  the  Oswego. 
Three  leagues  below  the  mouth  of  the  Onondaga,  he  passed 
its  junction  with  the  Oneida.  The  fishing  village  where  he 
halted  was  probably  near  the  present  village  of  Phcenix. 
Still  descending  the  Oswego,  he  apparently  followed  it  to 
where  it  empties  into  Lake  Ontario,  and  coasting  its  eastern 
shores,  he  went  to  "  the  place  assigned  for  our  residence 
and  for  a  French  settlement."  It  may  have  been  either  the 
mouth  of  Salmon  River  or  Sackett's  Harbor — both  good 
landing  points  of  strategic  importance. 

The  painstaking  editor  of  the  new  Relations  makes  these 
suggestions. 

On  the  19th  he  is  on  his  way  down  the  river.  "  On  the 
20th  we  arrive  at  the  great  Lake  Ontario."  The  journey 
homeward  is  of  course  quicker,  for  they  are  going  with  the 
stream  and  over  the  rapids. 

"  On  the  6th  our  Sault  St.  Louis  frightens  my  men.  They 
put  me  ashore,  four  leagues  above  the  settlement  of  Mon- 
treal, and  God  gives  me  strength  to  reach  that  place  before 
noon  and  to  celebrate  Holy  Mass,  of  which  I  had  been  de- 
prived during  my  entire  journey.  We  arrived  at  Quebec 
only  on  the  eleventh  day  of  the  month  of  September  of  this 
year  1654." 

Just  before  reaching  Montreal  an  incident  occurred  of 
which  Le  Moyne  made  no  report.  He  probably  suppressed 
it  to  avert  a  panic,  for  it  looked  like  treachery  on  the  part 

85 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

of  the  Indians  and  as  if  their  plea  for  peace  had  been  only 
a  trick  and  part  of  a  plot  for  a  general  massacre.  It  was 
found  out  afterwards  from  the  Iroquois  themselves,  and 
Charveloix  gives  us  an  account  of  it. 

Le  Moyne  was  in  a  canoe  with  two  Onondagas.  The 
Hurons  and  Algonquins  followed.  As  they  approached 
Montreal  they  were  surprised  to  see  themselves  surrounded 
by  several  canoes  full  of  Mohawks,  who  poured  a  volley 
upon  them  from  their  muskets.  The  Hurons  and  Algon- 
quins were  all  killed  as  well  as  one  of  the  Onondagas. 
Father  Le  Moyne  was  taken  and  bound  as  a  prisoner  of  war, 
and  the  Onondaga  was  told  to  return  home,  but  he  pro- 
tested that  he  could  not  abandon  the  missionary,  who  had 
been  confided  to  him  by  the  sachems  of  his  canton,  and  he 
menaced  the  Mohawks  with  all  the  wrath  of  the  upper  Iro- 
quois. At  first  they  laughed  at  his  threat,  but  when  they 
saw  he  would  not  flinch  they  unbound  their  prisoner  and 
put  him  in  the  hands  of  his  faithful  conductor,  who  led  him 
to  Montreal.  The  chief  who  was  at  the  head  of  these  Mo- 
hawks was  known  as  the  Flemish  Bastard ;  the  same  savage 
who  was  concerned  later  on  in  the  murder  of  Father  Gar- 
reau. 

Quite  undisturbed  by  this  unpleasant  occurrence,  which 
he  understood  merely  indicated  the  state  of  the  Mohawk 
and  not  of  the  Onondaga  mind  on  the  question  of  peace,  he 
proceeded  to  the  authorities  of  Quebec  to  assure  them  that 
the  upper  Iroquois  were  peacefully  disposed,  and  that  a 
mission  could  be  attempted  at  Onondaga.  In  consequence, 
Dablon  and  Chaumonot  were  sent  down  to  begin  the  work 
of  evangelizing  Western  New  York. 

This  was  the  end  of  Le  Moyne's  first  diplomatic  mission 
among  the  Iroquois.  He  would  return  again  soon. 

The  results  of  his  embassy  to  the  Onondagas  were  emi- 
nently satisfactory,  but  its  very  success  gave  rise  to  difficul- 
ties in  another  quarter.  The  Mohawks  were  indignant  that 
the  upper  Iroquois  should  have  received  this  mark  of  con- 

86 


SIMON  LE  MOYNE. 

fidence  from  the  French,  and  they  demanded  that  an  envoy 
should  be  sent  to  them  also. 

The  request  was,  however,  looked  upon  with  suspicion. 
They  were  the  Indians  who  had  murdered  Father  Jogues 
eight  years  before,  and  possibly  this  was  only  a  trick  to  cap- 
ture another  distinguished  victim.  They  were  the  fiercest 
and  most  treacherous  of  all  the  Iroquois  and  not  at  all 
as  easily  managed  as  their  kinsmen,  the  Onondagas.  How- 
ever, they  could  not  be  set  aside  lightly,  and  something  had 
to  be  done  to  keep  them  in  humor.  Le  Moyne  was,  there- 
fore, asked  to  again  "  put  his  life  in  the  hands  of  Almighty 
God."  He  did  not  hesitate,  but  went  down  to  do  his  best, 
and  after  a  dangerous  journey  found  himself  in  the  very 
town  which  had  been  sanctified  by  the  blood  of  his  friend, 
Isaac  Jogues. 

He  does  not  seem  to  have  kept  a  diary  of  this  expedition, 
or  at  least  it  has  not  come  down  to  us.  All  that  we  have 
is  the  succinct  notice  left  by  Father  De  Quen  in  the  Rela- 
tions of  1656,  and  is  as  follows : 

"  It  was  necessary  to  send  a  Father  to  the  Agnieronnon 
Iroquois,  and  the  lot  fortunately  falling  on  Father  Le 
Moyne,  he  left  Montreal  on  the  17th  of  August,  with  twelve 
Iroquois  and  two  Frenchmen.  The  route  is  one  of  preci- 
pices, lakes,  rivers,  etc.  .  .  .  They  were  wrecked  in  an 
impetuous  torrent,  which  carried  them  into  a  bay,  where 
they  found  the  gentlest  calm  in  the  world.  Some  days  after, 
hunger  overtook  them,  and  they  were  sometimes  forced  to 
lie  down  at  night  with  no  refreshment  but  boiled  water 
mixed  with  earth  and  clay.  Wild  fruits  lost  their  bitterness 
and  seemed  delicious,  hunger  serving  excellently  to  sweeten 
them."  What  this  route  was,  we  have  no  means  of  know- 
ing. 

"  He  reached  the  village  of  Agniee  (Auriesville)  on  Sep- 
tember 17,  and  was  received  with  extraordinary  cordiality.'' 
The  usual  presents  were  given  and  received.  The  finest  of 
them,  we  are  told,  represented  a  sun,  and  was  composed  of 

87 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

6,000  porcelain  beads  "  to  let  the  Sun  illumine  them  in  the 
darkest  night " ;  but,  add  the  Relations,  "  these  nations  are 
composed  only  of  tricksters,  and  yet  we  must  trust  ourselves 
to  their  fickleness  and  surrender  ourselves  to  their  cruelty. 
Father  Isaac  Jogues  was  killed  by  those  traitors  while  they 
were  showing  him  most  love." 

It  is  curious  that  we  have  no  description  by  Le  Moyne  of 
the  sacred  place  where  his  beloved  friend  was  martyred. 
Did  he  search  for  some  relic?  There  can  scarcely  be  any 
doubt  that  he  did.  We  saw  what  delight  he  manifested  in 
Onondaga  when  he  recovered  the  little  books  belonging  to 
Brebeuf.  Jogues  was  his  devoted  friend  also,  and  it  is  more 
than  likely  that  he  sought  for  the  body  of  Goupil  and  some 
mementoes  of  Jogues,  and  that  when  he  returned  to  Quebec 
he  had  some  relics  with  him.  For  a  man  who  so  carefully 
noted  the  physical  peculiarities  of  the  places  in  which  he 
happened  to  be,  we  would  imagine  also  that  he  would  have 
described  in  detail  the  village  of  Ossernenon,  with  which 
Jogues'  letters  had  made  all  the  Fathers  familiar.  Perhaps 
he  did,  but  the  valuable  document  was  probably  lost  when 
the  Society  was  suppressed.  A  few  years  afterward  Father 
Raffeix,  who  came  with  Tracy  in  the  famous  raid,  wrote  in 
detail  about  the  kind  of  dwellings  that  the  Iroquois  made 
for  themselves  at  Ossernenon;  their  storehouses  of  grain, 
their  reservoirs  of  water,  etc.  There  are  illustrations  of 
them  to  be  found  in  the  Relations. 

It  is  interesting  to  read  that  after  reaching  Ossernenon, 
Le  Moyne  went  down  to  see  the  Dutch  at  Manhattan.  "  He 
was  received  with  great  demonstrations  of  affection."  The 
old  minister,  Dominie  Megapolensis,  Jogues'  friend,  was 
there,  and  made  much  of  Le  Moyne.  The  welcome  was  all 
the  more  notable  because  the  Dutch  were  having  fierce  en- 
counters with  the  neighboring  savages.  Le  Moyne  tells  us 
that  "  some  Indians  living  near  Manhathe,  the  chief  town 
of  New  Belgium,  in  a  quarrel  with  a  Dutchman  had  come 
to  blows  and  had  fared  badly,  leaving  two  or  three  of  their 

88 


PETER  STUYVESANT. 


SIMON  LE  MOYNE. 

men  dead  on  the  spot.  To  revenge  this  grievance,  the 
Indians  rallied  to  the  number  of  about  two  hundred  and 
set  fire  to  a  score  of  small  farms  scattered  here  and  there, 
slaughtering  those  who  resisted  and  carrying  the  rest,  men, 
women  and  children,  about  a  hundred  and  fifty  in  all,  into 
captivity." 

It  must  have  required  courage  and  skill  to  get  into  Man- 
hattan while  this  was  going  on,  for  the  fight  was  still  raging 
when  Le  Moyne  was  there.  He  says :  "  We  do  not  know 
how  it  terminated." 

Governor  Kieft,  who  had  rescued  Jogues,  was  no  longer 
in  America.  He  had  been  called  back  to  Holland,  and  when 
Le  Moyne  arrived,  old  Peter  Stuyvesant  was  stumping 
around  the  Stadt  Huys  on  his  "  silver  leg."  The  burghers 
were  not  then  in  their  historic  good  humor,  for  testy  Peter 
was  a  hard  master.  Apart  from  his  autocratic  manner  in 
dealing  with  his  Dutch  compatriots,  he  was  busy  perse- 
cuting Baptists  and  Quakers  and  Lutherans;  so  that  it  is 
doubtful  if  Le  Moyne  dared  to  walk  down  in  his  cassock  to 
the  Fort  to  present  himself  to  the  doughty  Peter.  But  the 
New  York  Dutch  were  always  partial  to  the  Jesuits;  and, 
besides,  Le  Moyne  was  an  official  of  the  Governor  of  Que- 
bec and,  of  course,  had  to  be  treated  civilly.  As  we  have 
seen,  he  describes  their  treatment  of  him  as  affectionate. 
How  far  this  affection  showed  itself  we  do  not  know,  but 
doubtless  he  enjoyed,  the  Governor's  hospitality  just  as 
Druillettes  a  few  years  before  had  been  welcomed  by  the 
Puritan  notables  of  Boston ;  but  of  this  we  have  no  detailed 
information,  nor  of  what  he  did  in  Manhathe.  He  had, 
however,  much  to  see  and  deplore. 

New  Amsterdam  had  just  then  received  the  charter  as  a 
city;  but,  beyond  the  charter,  it  had  little  else  to  boast  of. 
It  had  still  the  motley  population  which  Jogues  had  seen 
a  few  years  before,  when  no  less  than  eighteen  different 
languages  and  dialects  were  heard  in  the  streets.  "  An 
ominous  feature,"  says  President  Roosevelt  in  his  "  New 

89 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

York,"  "  was  the  abundance  of  negro  slaves  and  brutal- 
looking  black  savages,  brought  by  slave  traders  and  pirates 
from  the  gold  coasts  of  Africa,  with  a-plenty  also  of  low, 
shiftless  and  criminal  whites.  There  was  considerable  dis- 
play of  riches  among  the  well-to-do,  but  grimy  poverty  pre- 
vailed among  the  poor."  On  an  etching  of  the  town  as  it 
was  in  those  days  we  can  make  out  the  Church  of  St. 
Nicholas,  with  the  Governor's  house  near  it,  both  towering 
above  the  walls  of  the  fort.  There  are  some  well-built 
houses  of  brick  or  wood,  but  also  a  great  number  of  mis- 
erable huts  to  shelter  the  larger  part  of  the  population.  The 
inevitable  windmill  is  at  one  end  of  the  town,  and  the  equally 
unavoidable  tavern  at  the  other,  while  midway  we  see  the 
impressive  West  India  Company's  storehouses,  with  their 
characteristic  Dutch  gables  ending  in  steps  at  the  roof.  A 
huge  gallows  looms  ominously  on  the  shore,  and  the  figure 
of  a  malefactor  is  seen  swinging  from  it.  Pirates  abounded 
in  those  days,  and  usually  ended  their  career  in  the  air. 
Some  stragglers  roam  along  the  beach,  and  near  by  are  two 
or  three  small  craft.  That  is  all  New  York  was  when  Le 
Moyne  saw  it.  Eleven  years  afterward  the  English  were 
to  come  into  possession,  and  then  such  as  he  would  no 
longer  be  free  to  ramble  at  will. 

After  finishing  his  work  at  Manhattan,  Le  Moyne  re- 
turned to  Ossernenon,  where  he  narrowly  escaped  death  at 
the  hands  of  a  drunken  or  crazy  Indian.  The  savage  stood 
above  him  with  a  tomahawk  to  cleave  his  skull,  when  a 
quick-witted  squaw  ran  up  and  exclaimed :  "  Kill  my  dog 
instead."  Whereupon  the  madman  grew  calm  and,  striking 
off  the  poor  animal's  head  with  a  single  blow,  carried  it 
around  in  triumph  as  Le  Moyne's.  The  incident  was  not 
reassuring,  and  a  day  or  so  later  a  Huron  Christian  was 
killed  on  suspicion  of  having  revealed  some  of  the  Iroquois 
plans  to  the  missionary.  Other  thing's  happened,  which 
showed  that  his  life  was  hanging  by  a  hair,  and  although 

90 


SIMON  LE  MOYNE. 

the  winter  was  far  advanced,  he  determined  to  set  out  for 
Montreal. 

The  journey  was  a  hard  one.  Fearing  the  Algonquins, 
his  party  abandoned  their  canoes  and  baggage  and  took  to 
the  woods.  It  was  a  pathless  pine  forest,  full  of  marshes 
of  stagnant  and  half-frozen  water.  The  sky  was  overcast, 
and  they  lost  their  way.  Night  came  on,  and  they  halted. 
They  slept  in  the  swamps  on  the  roots  of  trees  and  some 
moss.  The  cold  was  severe,  for  it  was  November,  and 
they  were  in  the  North  Woods.  The  following  day  found 
them  up  to  their  knees  in  a  bog  the  most  of  the  time. 
Tramping  on,  they  came  to  a  deep  and  swift  river — which 
we  cannot  identify — and  they  had  to  build  a  raft  to  cross  it, 
laboring  all  the  while  without  a  morsel  to  eat.  On  the  third 
day  they  climbed  the  trees  to  reconnoitre.  There  was  no 
indication  of  where  they  were,  but  toward  evening  they  came 
to  a  stream  which  they  recognized.  The  discovery  gave 
them  courage,  although  they  were  then  almost  dying  of 
hunger.  Finally,  after  the  fourth  day  of  despair  and  weari- 
ness and  starvation,  they  reached  the  St.  Lawrence  and  saw 
Montreal  on  the  other  side.  They  had  no  means  of  crossing 
that  wide  expanse,  but  by  means  of  a  fire  which  they  lighted 
and  by  discharging  their  muskets  they  attracted  the  notice 
of  their  friends,  and  a  canoe  was  sent  to  take  them  over  to 
the  place  they  had  left  three  months  before. 

Le  Moyne  had  promised  the  Mohawks  to  give  them  mis- 
sionaries, so  that  they  might  stand  on  the  same  plane  as  the 
Onondagas,  and  preparations  were  immediately  begun  for 
that  purpose.  Meantime,  however,  the  news  came  that  not 
only  had  their  rivals  been  favored  with  missionaries,  but 
that  a  colony  of  Frenchmen  had  also  been  established  on 
Lake  Onondaga.  That  was  another  affront  to  them,  or, 
perhaps,  they  saw  in  it  a  scheme  to  divert  all  the  trade  in 
furs  down  the  St.  Lawrence,  instead  of  through  the  Mo- 
hawk country  to  the  Hudson.  They  were  furious  in  con- 

91 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

sequence  and  demanded  similar  treatment,  or  else  there 
would  be  war. 

Again  Le  Moyne  had  to  go  down  to  pacify  them.  After 
his  narrow  escape  from  being  treacherously  slain,  it  required 
no  small  determination  to  comply  with  the  request.  But 
he  did  not  hesitate.  We  have  no  details  about  this  second 
visit,  but  as  the  fifty  Frenchmen  who  were  sent  to  Onon- 
daga  had  exhausted  all  the  available  resources  the  French 
could  command  at  the  time,  and  a  similar  favor  could  not 
be  granted  to  the  Mohawks,  it  is  clear  that  Le  Moyne  must 
have  had  a  difficult  task  to  keep  the  savages  in  good  humor, 
while  he  played  his  dilatory  tactics  with  them,  and  at  the 
same  time  tried  not  to  betray  the  exhausted  and  helpless 
condition  of  the  colony.  Had  the  Indians  suspected  the  de- 
fenceless state  of  Quebec,  they  would  have  soon  made  an 
end  of  it.  He  eventually  returned  to  Quebec,  very  likely 
following  the  same  route  on  which  he  had  a  few  months 
before  undergone  so  many  hardships  and  dangers. 

Evidently  he  had  not  succeeded  in  calming  the  Mohawks, 
for  he  had  to  go  back  a  third  time  to  Ossernenon,  and  this 
last  expedition  came  near  putting  an  end  to  his  career.  Out- 
wardly he  was  treated  with  the  greatest  consideration,  but 
it  was  all  pretense,  for  he  discovered  from  a  friendly  Indian 
that,  at  a  general  convention  of  the  Mohawks,  it  was  re- 
solved to  kill  every  Frenchman  they  could  lay  hands  on. 
The  Dutch  at  Fort  Orange  and  Manhattan  heard  of  it  and 
began  to  make  arrangements  to  send  him  back  to  Quebec 
by  sea,  and  apparently  he  went  down  to  consult  the  Gov- 
ernor about  the  plan.  For  one  reason  or  another,  possibly 
because  the  Indians  had  discovered  that  their  designs  had 
leaked  out,  or  they  had  been  warned  by  the  French  Gov- 
ernor not  to  harm  the  envoy,  the  escape  by  sea,  which  would 
have  irritated  the  Mohawks  all  the  more,  was  deemed  un- 
wise or  unnecessary,  and  the  Mohawks  themselves  con- 
ducted him  in  safety  to  the  St.  Lawrence. 

Suddenly,  however,  all  hopes  of  humoring  the  Iroquois  by 

92 


SIMON  LE  MOYNE. 

diplomacy  came  to  an  end.  The  settlement  of  the  fifty 
Frenchmen  on  Lake  Onondaga  had  collapsed.  Discovering 
a  plot  to  massacre  them,  they  had  all  decamped  in  the  night 
and,  after  much  suffering,  made  their  way  to  Montreal. 
Furious  at  the  revelation  of  their  treachery,  the  Onondagas 
again  dug  up  the  hatchet,  and  the  Mohawks,  having  no 
longer  any  hopes  of  a  trading-post  among  them,  joined 
their  friends,  and  for  two  years  the  St.  Lawrence  witnessed 
many  a  bloody  fray.  The  villages  of  the  tribes  in  alliance 
with  the  French  were  given  over  to  the  flames,  white  and 
red  men  were  massacred,  and  Montreal  was  besieged  by  the 
angry  Iroquois. 

One  day  in  July,  while  the  storm  was  at  its  height,  a 
number  of  Iroquois  canoes  were  seen  coming  down  the 
river  toward  Montreal.  The  garrison  rushed  to  the  stockade 
and  watched  them  as  they  approached  the  shore.  In  front 
was  a  flag  of  truce.  The  savage  warriors  in  paint  and 
feathers  stepped  out  as  if  assured  of  a  friendly  reception. 
The  gate  was  thrown  open  and,  followed  by  four  French 
captives,  the  Iroquois  advanced  into  the  town.  The  spokes- 
man was  a  redoubtable  Cayuga  chief,  named  Saonchiowaga, 
whom,  years  after,  Father  de  Carheil  converted.  Solemnly 
he  broke  the  bonds  of  the  French  prisoners,  and  promised 
the  liberation  of  others  still  in  the  Onondaga  country.  Then 
he  began  his  address,  offering  his  presents  meanwhile.  Com- 
ing to  the  fifth  present,  he  said :  "  This  is  to  bring  the 
Frenchman  back  to  us.  We  still  keep  his  mat ;  his  house  is 
still  standing  at  Ganentaa.  His  fire  is  still  lighted ;  and  his 
fields  have  been  tilled  and  await  his  return  for  his  hand  to 
gather  the  harvest."  Then,  altering  his  tone  and  raising 
aloft  the  last  belt,  he  exclaimed :  "  A  black  gown  must 
come  to  us;  otherwise  there  will  be  no  peace.  On  his  com- 
ing depends  the  life  of  twenty  Frenchmen  at  Onondaga," 
and  he  placed  in  the  Governor's  hand  a  leaf  of  a  book,  on 
the  margin  of  which  the  twenty  unfortunate  captives  had 
written  their  names. 

93 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

Was  it  a  trick  to  lure  other  Frenchmen  to  their  death? 
Opinion  was  divided.  Le  Moyne  offered  to  go  to  test  the 
sincerity  of  the  offer,  and  so  for  the  fifth  time  he  started 
for  the  country  of  the  Iroquois.  "  It  was  the  happiest  day 
of  my  life,"  he  wrote,  and  on  July  21,  1661,  he  left  Mon- 
treal for  Onondaga. 

The  day  after  their  departure  from  Montreal  they  were 
attacked  by  some  Mohawks,  but  a  battle  was  averted. 
"  Three  days  afterward,"  writes  Le  Moyne,  "  when  we  had 
crossed  the  rapids,  twenty-four  Oneidas,  having  discovered 
us,  advanced  upon  us  in  the  night.  They  charged  on  us, 
weapons  in  hand,  and  carried  manacles  with  them  to  make 
us  prisoners.  Some  of  them  pressed  around  me,  brandish- 
ing their  hatchets  and  knives  as  if  they  were  about  to  kill 
me.  I  was  released  by  some  presents  which  the  Onondagas 
gave.  At  Lake  Ontario  we  met  more  Oneidas  on  the  war- 
path, and  later  on  a  detachment  of  forty  on  their  way  to 
Montreal  to  avenge  the  insult  against  their  chief  Otreonate, 
who  had  been  imprisoned  there."  Such  was  his  entry  into 
Onondaga.  It  was  enough  to  appal  a  stouter  heart,  but  he 
kept  on  nevertheless. 

The  prospects  were  brighter  when  he  approached  Onon- 
daga. Six  miles  from  the  town  he  was  received  in  the  usual 
way,  with  shouts  of  joy  and  offering  of  presents.  It  was 
very  likely  all  pretense,  but,  making  the  best  of  the  situa- 
tion, he  assumed  his  air  of  bravado,  which,  he  knew,  im- 
pressed the  Indians,  and  on  the  12th  of  August  was  solemnly 
received  by  the  chiefs  of  the  Onondaga,  Cayuga  and  Seneca 
tribes.  He  delivered  his  presents,  concluded  the  peace  and 
then  began  to  preach  the  doctrines  of  Christianity.  The 
famous  Garagontie  had  fitted  up  his  own  cabin  as  a  chapel. 
"  It  was  rude  indeed,"  writes  Le  Moyne,  "  but  Our  Lord, 
who  deigns  to  veil  Himself  under  the  forms  of  bread  and 
wine,  will  not  disdain  to  dwell  beneath  a  roof  of  bark,  and 
the  woods  of  our  forest  are  not  less  precious  in  His  eyes 

94 


SIMON  LE  MOYNE. 

than  the  cedars  of  Lebanon, — since  where  He  is,  there  is 
paradise." 

Garagontie,  whose  name  means  "  the  sun  that  advances," 
was  the  Indian  to  whom  this  renewal  of  friendly  relations 
was  due.  He  stands  pre-eminent  in  those  bloody  days  as 
an  example  of  what  grace  can  effect,  though  its  workings 
in  his  case  were  extraordinarily  slow.  It  is  possible  that 
he  was  not  a  chief  or  even  a  sachem,  though  Lafitau  and 
Charlevoix  maintain  that  he  was,  confounding  him,  it  is 
suggested,  with  his  brother,  yet  he  exerted  a  marvelous 
power  over  the  Onondagas.  Strange  to  say,  he  never  came 
near  the  chapel,  though  intimate  with  Chaumonot  and 
Dablon,  who  had  been  there  three  years  before.  But  he 
was  the  steadfast  friend  of  the  Christians,  both  red  and 
white,  especially  after  the  flight  of  the  colonists.  He  res- 
cued or  ransomed  them  from  the  other  cantons,  and  at  one 
time  had  twenty-four  of  them,  whom  he  assembled  night 
and  morning  for  prayer  at  the  sound  of  the  bell.  It  was  at 
his  instance  that  the  Cayuga  chief  went  to  Montreal  to 
negotiate  peace,  and  he  himself  started  on  the  same  errand 
as  soon  as  Le  Moyne  arrived.  Again  and  again  he  returned 
to  Quebec,  struggling  hopelessly  against  the  restlessness  or 
the  treachery  of  his  people,  and  constantly  entreating  the 
French  for  missionaries.  Yet  all  this  time  he  was  not  bap- 
tized, although  for  sixteen  years  he  had  been  constantly 
concerned  with  the  planting  of  the  Church  in  his  country. 
Suddenly,  in  1670,  at  a  council  in  Quebec,  which  had  been 
convened  on  account  of  an  outbreak  between  the  Senecas 
and  Ottawas,  he  exclaimed :  "  As  to  the  faith  which  Onontio 
wishes  to  see  everywhere  diffused,  I  publicly  profess  it :  I 
renounce  polygamy,  superstition,  dreams,  and  every  kind 
of  sin."  Bishop  Laval  happened  to  be  present.  He  ques- 
tioned the  chief;  found  him  sufficiently  instructed,  and  re- 
solved to  baptize  and  confirm  him.  The  ceremony  took 
place  in  the  Cathedral,  the  Governor  standing  as  his  god- 
father, and  the  daughter  of  the  Intendant  as  his  god-mother. 

95 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

The  church  was  crowded  with  Indians  from  every  tribe  on 
the  St.  Lawrence.  The  Governor  de  Courcelles  gave  him 
his  own  name  of  Daniel,  and  every  honor  that  could  be  con- 
ferred was  bestowed  on  the  distinguished  convert.  This 
wonderful  Indian  continued  till  the  end  to  be  the  friend  and 
adviser  of  the  missionaries.  He  died  in  1676  in  the  arms 
of  Father  de  Lamberville. 

Le  Moyne  had  often  sore  need  of  his  protection,  for  it 
is  certain  that  the  chiefs  had  given  orders  to  kill  the  priest. 
There  were  twenty  French  captives  among  the  Iroquois  at 
the  time,  and  from  them  it  was  learned  later  how  badly  Le 
Moyne  was  treated.  On  one  occasion,  for  instance,  a  num- 
ber of  Onondagas  threw  themselves  upon  him,  stripped  him 
naked,  dragged  him  through  the  streets,  hooting  and  yelling, 
made  him  mount  the  scaffold,  and  then  lighted  fires  around 
him  and  prepared  to  burn  him  to  death.  For  one  reason 
or  another,  however,  they  did  not  carry  out  their  purpose. 
Later  on  an  Indian  induced  the  chiefs  to  come  and  set  fire 
to  the  chapel.  On  another  occasion  he  was  bound  to  a  stake, 
and  his  legs  were  so  frightfully  burned  with  torches  that 
it  took  six  months  to  heal  the  wounds.  Then  an  Indian 
broke  into  his  chapel  and  assaulted  him,  in  an  attempt  to 
rob  him  of  his  cassock,  which  he  was  bidden  in  a  dream  to 
procure.  Another  dreamer  made  an  attempt  to  tear  down 
the  cross  from  the  altar.  Le  Moyne  saw  him  and  leaped 
in  front  of  him  to  prevent  the  act.  He  was  just  about  to 
receive  a  tomahawk  on  his  skull  when  someone  seized  the 
uplifted  arm  of  the  savage  and  prevented  the  murder.  In- 
deed, conditions  became  so  desperate  there  that  he  had  to 
take  refuge  among  the  Cayugas,  who  were  milder  than  the 
other  Iroquois.  They  received  him  with  cheers,  and  he 
repaid  their  affection  by  healing  many  of  their  sick.  He 
remained  a  month  with  them  until  the  return  of  Garagontie 
from  Montreal  enabled  him  to  resume  his  work  among  the 
Onondagas. 

What  kind  of  work  was  he  doing?  Nothing  with  the 

98 


SIMON  LE  MOYNE. 

braves,  of  course.  They  were  always  on  the  war-path,  and 
would  not  listen  to  him  when  they  happened  to  be  at  home, 
but  an  epidemic  of  smallpox  was  raging,  and  great  numbers 
of  the  little  children  were  baptized  and  sent  to  heaven. 
There  were  captives  there  also  from  the  various  tribes,  many 
of  whom  were  Christians,  and  the  missionary  instructed 
them  and  steadied  them  in  their  faith.  The  Christian 
Huron  women  were  especially  remarkable  for  the  devices 
they  used  to  visit  the  priest,  traveling  long  distances  and 
enduring  great  hardships  to  receive  the  sacraments.  The 
French  captives  also  needed  his  ministrations.  Their  lot 
was  most  miserable,  but,  according  to  the  testimony  of  Le 
Moyne,  nearly  all  led  lives  of  most  exalted  virtue  in  the 
midst  of  the  horrors  they  saw  around  them. 

In  the  Relations  of  1660  several  letters  of  these  unfortu- 
nate men  are  given.  Some  of  them  were  written  on  birch- 
bark  or  scraps  of  powder  paper.  One  was  from  a  mere  lad, 
Frangois  Hertel  by  name,  whose  family  was  conspicuous  in 
Canadian  history.  He  himself  afterward  became  famous. 
He  \vas  held  captive  by  the  Mohawks,  and  Le  Moyne  de- 
scribes him  as  of  "  comely  appearance  and  delicate,  and  the 
sole  delight  of  his  mother."  Writing  to  Le  Moyne,  he  says  : 

"  Reverend  Father :  On  the  very  day  you  departed  from 
Three  Rivers,  I  was  captured,  toward  three  o'clock  in  the 
afternoon,  by  four  of  the  lower  Iroquois.  The  reason  why, 
to  my  misfortune,  I  did  not  make  them  kill  me,  was  that 
I  feared  I  was  not  well  enough  prepared  to  die.  If  you 
should  come  hither  and  if  I  should  have  the  happiness  to 
confess,  I  believe  I  could  go  back  with  you.  I  pray  you  to 
take  pity  on  my  mother  in  her  great  affliction.  You  know 
the  love  she  bears  me.  From  a  Frenchman  captured  at 
Three  Rivers,  I  have  learned  that  she  is  well  and  takes  com- 
fort in  the  thought  that  I  shall  be  near  you." 

Later  on  he  adds :  "  Dear  Father,  I  pray  you  bless  the 
hand  that  writes  to  you,  which  has  had  one  finger  burnt  in 
a  calumet  as  a  reparation  to  the  majesty  of  God,  whom  I 
7  97 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

have  offended.  The  other  hand  has  a  thumb  cut  off,  but  do 
not  tell  my  poor  mother.  Will  you  come  to  see  me  before 
winter?  I  have  had  the  consolation  of  finding  one  of  your 
breviaries  here,  and  it  serves  me  in  my  prayers." 

He  writes  also  to  his  "  very  dear  and  honored  mother," 
and  tells  her :  "  I  know  my  capture  must  have  greatly 
afflicted  you.  I  ask  your  forgiveness  for  having  disobeyed 
you.  My  sins  have  brought  me  to  my  present  condition. 
Your  prayers  and  M.  de  St.  Quentin's  and  my  sister's  have 
restored  me  to  life." 

"  Your  poor  FANCHON." 

Letters  from  other  captives  tell  of  the  sufferings  to  which 
they  were  subjected ;  how  they  were  made  to  dance  around 
a  fire,  into  which  they  were  kicked  by  the  savages  as  one 
would  kick  a  ball,  etc.  "  I  must  give  you  tidings  of  Pierre 
Recontre,"  says  another;  "  he  died  like  a  saint.  I  saw  him 
while  he  was  being  tortured,  and  he  never  said  aught  but 
these  words :  '  My  God,  take  pity  on  me,'  which  he  repeated 
until  he  ceased  to  breathe. 

"  Did  you  know  Louis  Guimont  who  was  captured  this 
summer  ?  He  was  beaten  to  death  with  clubs  and  iron  rods, 
but  yet  he  did  nothing  but  pray  to  God,  so  that  the  Iroquois 
cut  away  his  upper  and  lower  lips  entirely.  What  a  horrible 
sight!  And  still  he  ceased  not  to  pray,  which  so  irritated 
the  savages  that  they  tore  his  heart  throbbing  with  life  out 
of  his  breast  and  threw  it  in  his  face.  We  are  a  pitiful  sight 
to  behold !  We  are  glad  to  eat  the  scraps  left  by  the  dogs. 
Father  Le  Moyne  is  said  to  be  at  Onondaga  negotiating 
peace,  but  he  will  not  succeed.  Nor  will  the  Dutch  help  us 
any  more,  as  it  costs  too  much.  They  tell  the  Iroquois  to 
cut  off  our  arms  and  legs  and  kill  us  where  they  find  us,  so 
as  no  longer  to  be  burdened  with  us." 

Le  Moyne  at  this  time  was  doing  all  he  could  to 
arrange  for  the  ransom  of  these  unhappy  captives. .  It 
was  a  sore  trial  when  he  succeeded  at  first  in  obtaining 
the  freedom  of  only  nine  who  set  out  with  Garagontie,  but 

98 


SIMON  LE  MOYNE. 

even  they  came  near  never  reaching  Montreal.  On  their 
way  they  met  a  band  of  Onondagas,  with  French  scalps  at 
their  belts,  while  the  chief  wore  the  cassock  of  a  priest,  the 
Abbe  Le  Maitre,  a  Sulpitian,  whom  he  had  murdered  near 
Montreal.  The  Senecas  in  the  party  conveying  the  captives 
refused  to  proceed.  "  How  can  we  present  ourselves  to 
the  French,"  they  said  to  the  Onondagas,  "  after  what  you 
have  done?  Garagontie  forced  them,  however,  to  continue 
their  journey;  but  they  were  again  discouraged  by  meeting 
a  band  of  Oneidas  on  the  war-path,  but  Garagontie  induced 
them  to  turn  their  arms  against  some  other  enemies,  and  so 
he  finally  reached  the  French  fort  with  his  liberated  cap- 
tives. He  was  received  with  great  rejoicings  and  returned 
to  his  own  country,  laden  with  gifts  and  told  with  more  than 
usual  eloquence  of  the  good  dispositions  of  the  French.  His 
return  to  Onondaga  gave  some  respite  to  the  sufferings  of 
Le  Moyne  and  the  captives,  but  still  there  was  no  appear- 
ance of  willingness  to  set  free  the  other  prisoners. 

Winter  passed  by,  and  spring  was  ending,  when  at  last 
his  entreaties  prevailed.  He  himself  was  to  lead  back  all 
the  Frenchmen,  with  the  exception  of  one  to  whom  liberty 
was  not  given,  though  his  name  was  Liberte. 

"  On  the  last  day  of  August,  1662,  the  Father  made  his 
appearance  in  a  canoe  below  the  Falls  of  St.  Louis,  having 
around  him  all  the  happy  rescued  ones  and  a  score  of 
Onondagas  who  from  being  enemies  had  become  their  boat- 
men. They  landed  amid  the  cheers  and  embraces  of  all  the 
French  of  Montreal,  and,  following  Father  Le  Moyne,  pro- 
ceeded to  the  church  to  thank  God." 

Trusting  in  the  good  dispositions  of  the  Onondagas,  or 
willing  to  run  the  risk,  plans  were  forthwith  made  to  estab- 
lish regular  missions  in  their  country.  Le  Moyne,  of  course, 
was  eager  to  go  back,  but  the  ceaseless  wars  made  it  im- 
possible. In  1664  we  find  the  old  hero  asking  for  the  Onon- 
daga mission,  but  his  health  was  shattered.  He  was  near 
the  end.  He  fell  sick  of  a  fever  and  died  in  1665.  The 

99 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

record  of  the  death  of  this  great  man  merely  recites  that 
"  Father  Le  Moyne  expired  at  Cape  Madeleine,"  a  place 
opposite  Three  Rivers,  which  rejoices  now  in  its  handsome 
churches  and  thriving  population.  We  suppose  that  he  was 
buried  there. 

Garagontie  was  then  at  Quebec,  and  when  he  heard  that 
Le  Moyne  had  gone  on  his  long  journey,  he  delivered  in 
Indian  fashion  a  eulogy  of  his  departed  friend  who  had 
done  so  much  for  the  Onondaga  nation : 

"  Ondessonk,"  he  exclaimed,  "  dost  thou  hear  me  from 
the  land  of  souls  to  which  thou  hast  passed  so  quickly?  It 
was  thou  who  didst  so  often  lay  thy  head  on  the  scaffolds 
of  the  Mohawks;  thou  who  hast  gone  so  bravely  into  their 
very  fires  to  rescue  so  many  of  the  French;  thou  who  didst 
bear  peace  and  tranquillity  wherever  thou  didst  pass  and 
hast  made  believers  wherever  thou  didst  dwell.  We  have 
seen  thee  on  our  council  mats  decide  peace  and  war;  our 
cabins  became  too  small  when  thou  didst  enter,  and  our  vil- 
lages were  too  contracted  when  thou  wast  there,  so  great 
was  the  crowd  drawn  by  thy  words.  Thou  hast  so  often 
taught  us  that  the  life  of  misery  is  followed  by  one  of  eter- 
nal bliss,  now  that  thou  enjoyest  it  what  reason  have  we  for 
grief  ?  But  we  deplore  thee,  because  in  losing  thee  we  have 
lost  our  father  and  protector.  Nevertheless  we  will  be  con- 
soled, because  thou  continuest  to  be  so  in  heaven,  and  be- 
cause thou  hast  found  in  that  abode  of  bliss  the  infinite  joy, 
of  which  thou  hast  so  often  spoken  to  us." 


100 


CLAUDE  DABLON. 

ONE  of  the  most  prominent  figures  in  the  first  mission 
to  the  Onondagas  was  Claude  d'Ablon,  or  Doblon, 
or  Dablon,  or  Biblin,  as  it  appears  in  its  various  forms. 
His  own  handwriting  is  atrocious  and  might  be  made  to 
spell  anything.  He  was  born  at  Dieppe.  We  are  not  sure 
whether  it  was  in  1618  or  1619,  or  whether  it  was  January 
or  February — the  records  are  lost — but  after  a  brilliant 
course  of  studies  and  teaching  in  the  great  colleges  of  his 
native  country,  he  landed  in  Canada  when  about  thirty-six 
years  of  age,  in  1654  or  1655. 

He  had  been  longing  from  his  youth  for  the  Canadian 
missions.  Reading  of  Paraguay,  he  saw  in  his  dreams 
similar  conditions  in  the  wild  woods  of  North  America.  As 
a  preparation  for  his  work,  he  studied  music  and  was  an 
adept  on  several  instruments.  He  played  fort  bien,  wrote 
his  companion,  and  although  it  is  not  said  that  the  Iroquois 
swam  after  his  boat  as  he  discoursed  on  his  flute  or  flagelet 
while  sailing  up  the  Oswego  or  over  Lake  Ganentaa,  yet 
his  music  did  wonders  with  those  wild  natives.  He  did  not 
know  a  word  of  Iroquois  when  he  got  into  the  canoe  at 
Montreal  with  Father  Chaumonot  to  paddle  up  to  the  Onon- 
daga  country — he  had  no  time,  for  he  was  commandeered 
as  soon  as  he  arrived, — but  he  had  a  power  with  his  instru- 
ments which  even  the  eloquent  Chaumonot  did  not  possess 
of  drawing  those  fierce  men  and  women  into  the  little  bark 
chapels,  where  Chaumonot  taught,  while  Dablon  followed 
or  preceded  with  the  marvelous  instruments,  on  which  the 
Indians  heard  their  own  weird  melodies  reproduced. 

We  do  not  know  if  his  music  enraptured  the  first  great 
convention  in  which  they  took  part  when  they  came  to  Onon- 
daga,  though  it  is  probable  it  did;  but  in  the  chapel  at 
Ganentaa  and  elsewhere  the  Indians  swarmed  night  and 

101 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

day  to  listen  to  him,  leaving  him  scarcely  any  time  for  his 
other  work,  and  they  readily  lent  themselves  to  learn  the 
hymns  which  he  taught  them.  The  students  of  American 
musical  archaeology,  if  there  is  such  a  thing,  will  find  in 
these  Indian  choirs  on  the  Oswego  something  to  interest 
them.  They  are  our  beginnings  of  ecclesiastical  music. 

He  did  not  know  what  was  before  him  when  he  started 
on  that  journey  up  the  St.  Lawrence,  nor  did  he  ever  dream 
of  the  terrifying  conditions  under  which  he  would  come 
down  again  the  following  winter.  We  give  a  few  extracts 
from  his  diary. 

After  describing  the  Lachine  Rapids  and  telling  how  the 
St.  Lawrence  widens  out  into  lakes  on  its  course,  he  says: 
"  On  the  10th  we  erected  an  altar  and  what  might  be  called 
a  living  chapel,  for  it  was  formed  of  foliage.  Wine  we 
made  from  the  native  grapes,  which  we  found  in  abundance 
on  the  wild  vines."  They  saw  Mohawks  tracking  them,  and 
on  the  13th  provisions  gave  out,  and  "  the  hunters  and 
fishers  went  to  seek  their  living  and  ours  in  the  woods  and 
streams.  On  the  14th  we  ate  a  dead  cow  which  had  been 
drowned.  The  flesh  smelled  badly,  but  appetite  is  an  ex- 
cellent cook,  and,  although  he  flavored  this  dish  with  neither 
pepper  nor  salt  nor  cloves,  yet  he  made  us  relish  it  highly." 
Eight  bears  are  killed  on  the  15th,  and  on  the  17th,  thirty. 
"  One  of  the  ceremonies  of  the  feast  that  followed  this  great 
slaughter  was  the  drinking  of  bear's  fat,  after  the  meal,  as 
one  drinks  hippocras  in  France.  Then  they  all  rubbed  them- 
selves from  head  to  foot  with  the  oil." 

"  On  the  24th  we  reached  Lake  Ontario.  Such  a  scene 
of  awe-inspiring  beauty  I  have  never  beheld;  nothing  but 
islands  and  huge  masses  of  rocks,  as  large  as  cities,  all 
covered  with  cedars  and  firs.  Towards  evening  we  crossed 
over  from  the  North  to  the  South  side."  This  was  at  the 
head  of  the  Thousand  Islands.  They  had  kept  on  the  upper 
side  out  of  respect  for  the  Mohawks. 

They  entered  the  Otithatangue  (Salmon  River)  on  the 

102 


CLAUDE  DABLON. 

29th,  and  the  kettle  of  welcome  was  offered  them  there. 
Dablon  noted  how  the  streams  were  filled  with  fish,  and  he 
carefully  described  the  species.  He  laments  that  the  Onon- 
dagas  were  not  quite  what  was  expected.  They  were  not 
thinking  of  embracing  the  faith  at  all.  It  was  at  best  only 
a  business  speculation,  or,  perhaps,  a  deep-laid  plan  to  strike 
a  blow  at  the  French,  for  he  found,  after  the  first  welcome 
was  over,  that  the  Indians  appeared  discontented.  They 
were  glad  enough  to  have  the  black  robes,  but  wanted 
something  more.  They  wanted  a  colony  of  Frenchmen  as 
well.  Why,  they  would  not  say,  for  there  was  probably  a 
dark  design  underneath,  but  on  February  29,  1656,  a  notable 
council  was  held  declaring  that  "  they  had  been  waiting  for 
three  years  and  were  tired  of  so  many  postponements."  But 
it  was  midwinter,  and  how  could  anyone  at  that  season  in- 
form the  people  of  Quebec  of  what  the  Indians  wanted? 
No  one  would  undertake  the  journey.  Besides,  it  was  the 
hunting  season.  A  novena  of  Masses  was  made,  in  honor 
of  St.  John  the  Baptist,  the  patron  of  the  mission,  and  lo! 
on  the  ninth  day,  contrary  to  all  expectation,  an  Indian 
named  "  John  Baptist,  the  first  adult  baptized  in  perfect 
health,  offered  to  lead  the  expedition." 

The  precious  diary  of  Father  Dablon,  describing  this 
journey,  which  virtually  meant  walking  in  midwinter 
through  the  forest  from  what  is  now  Syracuse  to  Quebec, 
records  an  act  of  heroism  equal  to  anything  we  have  in 
missionary  annals.  It  may  be  found  in  the  Relations,  xlii. 
We  give  a  few  extracts. 

"  On  the  first  day  we  advanced  five  leagues  in  spring 
rather  than  winter  weather,  but  it  soon  changed,  and  we 
were  forced  by  rain  to  spend  a  day  and  two  nights  in  the 
woods  in  a  house  without  doors,  without  windows  and  with- 
out walls. 

"  On  the  fourth  of  March,  after  proceeding  six  short 
leagues,  we  camped  on  the  shore  of  the  lake.  This  was  a 
hard  day's  journey  through  almost  uninterrupted  snozv  and 

103 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

water  up  to  our  knees.  A  day  and  two  nights  were  spent 
in  this  halting  place.  We  wanted  to  cross  the  lake,  but  it 
was  beginning  to  thaw.  However,  we  accomplished  a  long 
league  and  a  half  on  ice,  after  which  it  was  a  pleasure  to 
walk  over  the  soft  snow. 

"  On  the  seventh  of  March,  after  a  light  meal,  we  started 
in  the  morning  and  walked  till  evening  without  eating.  We 
were  unable  to  cross  the  great  Lake  (Ontario),  because  of 
the  blocks  of  ice  on  the  shore,  but  after  hunting  some  bus- 
tards, which  make  their  winter  retreat  there  in  a  little  swamp, 
we  made  ours  in  the  same  place  for  the  night. 

"  The  ninth  day  was  hard.  We  proceeded  over  a  frozen 
pool  with  our  feet  always  in  the  water,  as  it  had  rained  in 
the  morning. 

"  The  next  day  we  were  forced  to  cross  a  vast  prairie 
flooded  with  water,  to  make  our  way  over  soft  and  half- 
melted  snow,  through  woods  and  across  ponds;  we  waded 
thrice  through  rivers.  Finally,  after  walking  all  day,  we 
found  towards  evening  that  we  had  advanced  only  three 
leagues.  In  weariness  God  is  strong  and  in  bitterness  we 
find  Him  indeed  sweet. 

"  On  the  llth  day  we  walked  nearly  all  day  over  the 
frozen  surface  of  the  great  Lake,  but  with  our  feet  con- 
stantly in  the  water;  the  ice  cracking  under  us.  We  were 
two  or  three  leagues  from  land.  After  making  seven  good 
leagues  we  were  stopped  by  rain,  which  did  not  cease  during 
the  night  or  next  day.  It  so  increased  in  violence  during 
the  second  night  that  lying  as  we  were  on  the  ground  we 
soon  found  ourselves  stretched  in  water.  .  .  .  Under 
such  conditions  a  night  would  seem  long  indeed  did  not 
God  illumine  our  gloom.  At  any  rate  the  most  patient  were 
the  best  bedded. 

"  We  left  our  position  after  two  days  and  three  nights. 
Our  diet  was  bread  and  water,  but  the  savages  just  then 
shot  a  deer  and  some  wildcats  which  restored  our  vigor. 

"  We  passed  all  the  17th  day  with  feet  in  the  water ; 

104 


CLAUDE  DABLON. 

weather  rough  and  road  frightful.  At  times  we  had  to 
climb  with  feet  and  hands  over  mountains  of  snow,  again 
to  crawl  over  great  ice  blocks,  pass  over  marshes,  and  then 
to  fell  trees  for  bridging  rivers,  in  order  to  cross  streams 
and  avoid  precipices.  At  the  day's  end  we  had  made  barely 
four  short  leagues. 

"  On  the  19th,  as  we  were  pursuing  our  course  over  the 
ice  of  the  great  Lake,  it  opened  under  one  of  my  feet.  I 
came  off  better  than  a  poor  Indian,  who  was  swallowed  up 
and  lost  in  the  water  beyond  all  possibility  of  rescue.  Hav' 
ing  escaped  these  dangers,  we  entered  an  extremely  difficult 
road,  with  rocks  on  either  side  as  high  as  towers  and 
so  steep  that  one  makes  his  way  over  them  with  hands  as 
well  as  feet.  After  this  we  were  again  forced  to  run  three 
leagues  over  the  ice,  never  stopping,  through  fear  of  break- 
ing through,  and  then  to  pass  the  night  on  a  rock  opposite 
Otondiata.  (Beauchamp  identifies  this  as  the  present  Grena- 
dier Island.) 

"  We  made  a  canoe  for  crossing  the  lake;  a  part  of  our 
number  (we  were  twenty)  went  over  first.  On  nearing  the 
other  shore  it  was  struck  by  an  ice  floe ;  and  there  they  were 
all  in  the  water,  some  catching  at  the  battered  canoe,  and 
others  at  the  ice.  They  were  all  saved,  and  after  repairing 
the  boat  they  sent  it  back  to  us  that  we  might  follow.  We 
did  so  on  the  night  of  the  twenty-first  of  March.  We  had 
eaten  for  dinner  only  a  very  few  roots,  yet  we  ivere  forced 
to  lie  down  supperless  on  a  bed  of  pebbles,  with  the  stars 
above  us,  and  under  the  shelter  of  an  icy  north  wind.  On 
the  following  night  we  lay  more  comfortably ;  our  bed  being 
of  snow,  and  the  day  after,  rain  attended  us  on  a  frightful 
road  over  rocks  fearful  to  behold,  both  for  their  height  and 
size  and  as  dangerous  to  descend  as  they  were  difficult  to 
climb. 

"  On  the  25th  we  found  a  canoe,  or  rather  a  whole  tree- 
trunk  hollowed  out,  which  God  seems  to  have  put  in  our 

105 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

hands  for  completing  the  passage  of  the  Lake  without  fear 
of  the  ice. 

"  On  the  morrow  seven  of  us  embarked  in  this  dugout, 
and  in  the  evening  reached  the  mouth  of  the  Lake,  which 
ends  in  a  waterfall  and  turbulent  rapids.  Here  God  showed 
us  still  another  special  favor ;  for  on  leaving  the  dugout  we 
found  a  fairly  good  bark  canoe  with  which  we  accomplished 
forty  leagues  in  a  day  and  a  half,  not  having  made  more 
than  that  on  foot  during  the  three  preceding  weeks. 

"  Finally,  on  the  thirtieth  of  March,  we  arrived  at  Mon- 
treal, having  left  Onondaga  on  the  second." 

Such  was  the  Indian  fashion  of  sending  ambassadors.  It 
is  inconceivable  how  the  human  frame  could  stand  such  ex- 
posure, especially  in  the  case  of  Father  Dablon,  who  was 
only  beginning  his  career. 

He  succeeded  in  persuading  the  Governor-General  to  send 
the  colonists  to  Onondaga.  What  helped  him  was  that 
refusal  to  gratify  those  upper  Iroquois  might  be  a  motive 
for  a  new  war,  and,  moreover,  such  a  settlement  might  serve 
to  bring  the  Mohawks  to  terms.  So  far  they  had  a  mon- 
opoly of  the  trade.  Even  the  other  Iroquois  tribes  could 
not  sell  their  furs  without  carrying  them  through  the  Mo- 
hawk country  to  Fort  Orange  and  Manhattan. 

By  the  month  of  May  all  was  ready.  With  Dablon  was 
the  famous  Menard,  who  was  to  give  an  example  of  heroism 
in  his  subsequent  career  as  a  missionary,  of  a  kind  peculiarly 
his  own,  which  distinguishes  him  as  a  most  extraordinary 
apostle.  Father  Le  Mercier  went  with  the  party  as  Su- 
perior, but  his  stay  in  New  York  was  brief ;  Father  Fremin's 
name  also  appears  on  the  list.  Later  on,  Fremin  returned 
to  his  post  and  was  one  of  the  conspicuous  figures  in  the 
second  effort  to  establish  the  missions.  There  were  also 
three  coadjutor  brothers,  Ambrose  Broard,  Joseph  Boursier 
and  a  third  whose  name  has  unfortunately  been  lost.  Rague- 
neau  followed  them  some  months  later. 

Dablon's  return  to  Onondaga  was,  of  course,  not  marked 

106 


CLAUDE  DABLON. 

by  the  same  amount  of  hardship  and  danger  which  had  at- 
tended his  journey  down  the  river  a  few  months  before, 
though  it  was  not  without  suffering.  They  started  from 
Quebec  May  16th  in  a  flotilla  of  canoes,  containing,  alto- 
gether, fifty  Frenchmen,  under  the  command  of  Dupuis, 
and  many  Onondagas,  Senecas  and  Hurons.  A  larger  bark 
led  the  rest,  and  from  its  bow  floated  a  snow-white  banner 
on  which  was  embroidered  the  name  of  Jesus.  It  was  not 
until  July  llth  that  they  reached  Lake  Onondaga,  over 
which  they  sailed  with  as  much  display  as  they  could  make 
to  impress  the  savages.  Cannons  and  musketry  roared  their 
salute  as  the  barks  approached  the  shore;  the  banner  flut- 
tered in  the  breeze,  and  songs  and  cheers  resounded  over 
the  waters.  It  was  a  wonderful  sight  in  the  midst  of  the 
wilderness.  Banquets  and  speeches  followed,  and  then  the 
French  proceeded  to  erect  their  blockhouse  at  Ganentaa, 
making  it  the  headquarters  of  the  settlers  and  missionaries. 
The  site  is  what  is  known  now  as  Liverpool. 

The  position  of  the  colony  was  found  to  be  delightful, 
as  it  was  almost  the  centre  of  the  four  Iroquois  nations, 
and  access  to  it  was  easy  by  canoe  from  other  lakes  and 
rivers.  It  was  filled  with  fish ;  eels  especially  were  plentiful, 
and  "  as  for  game,  it  is  always  abundant  in  the  winter,  and 
in  the  spring  turtle  doves  from  all  the  country  round  flock 
thither  in  such  great  numbers  that  they  are  easily  caught  in 
nets."  In  the  missionary's  letter  there  is  a  curious  study  of 
rattlesnakes,  whose  numbers  around  the  salt  spring,  which 
they  seem  to  have  preferred  to  the  fresh  one,  must  have 
added  an  element  of  discomfort  to  this  Garden  of  Eden. 

"  The  Jesuits'  Well "  is  still  an  object  of  interest,  though 
there  is  no  notice  taken  of  the  fact  that  the  Governor  of 
Canada,  De  Lauzon,  had  very  generously  made  a  grant  to 
the  Jesuits  of  ten  square  leagues  running  eastward  from  the 
lake.  A  manuscript  copy  of  the  concession  is  still  to  be 
found  in  the  archives  of  St.  Mary's  College,  Montreal.  It 
was  an  open-handed  gift,  but  it  was  easily  eclipsed  by  the 

107 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

grants  which  the  Dutch  and  English  were  accustomed  to 
bestow.  Thus  the  jolly  old  minister,  Dominie  Dellius,  Peter 
Schuyler  and  three  others  got  all  the  land  from  Fonda  to 
Utica,  on  condition  of  one  beaver  skin  for  five  years.  Cap- 
tain Evans  accepted  magnanimously  all  the  land  on  the  west 
side  of  the  Hudson,  for  forty  miles  in  length  and  twenty 
in  depth,  in  all  about  650,000  acres,  for  a  quit  rent  of  twenty 
shillings,  and  one  fat  buck  yearly.  The  Van  Rensselaers 
took  twenty-four  miles  square,  and  Livingston  a  tract  of 
sixteen  by  twenty-four  miles.  The  Jesuits,  however,  in 
enumerating  their  holdings,  never  included  the  New  York 
grant,  which  Thwaites  thinks  was  in  keeping  with  their  usual 
prudence. 

Thanks  to  the  new  accession,  the  mission  was  now  inaugu- 
rated on  a  grander  scale,  and  everything  at  the  beginning 
promised  well.  During  the  two  years  of  its  existence  Dablon, 
like  the  others,  went  from  place  to  place,  endeavoring  to  plant 
the  faith.  Nothing  more  than  the  usual  dangers  and  priva- 
tions had  to  be  faced  during  that  period,  and  in  his  usual 
lighthearted  but  observant  way  he  took  note  of  all  he  saw, 
and  has  left  us  a  very  exact  and  graphic  account  of  the  phys- 
ical conditions  of  the  country  at  that  time.  Finally  the  dis- 
aster came.  Like  the  rest,  he  saw  the  coming  danger,  and 
embarked  with  his  companions  when  they  flitted  away  like 
ghosts  from  the  land  which  they  had  entered  with  such  high 
hopes  two  years  before.  Ragueneau  tells  us  that  wonderful 
story.  The  figure  of  Dablon  disappears  somewhat  in  the 
throng  of  fugitives,  but  no  doubt  his  experience  on  the  river 
was  of  great  service  in  directing  the  course  and  helping  the 
party  to  reach  Montreal  in  safety. 

In  1659  we  find  Dablon  in  the  Residence  at  Quebec,  but 
in  1660  a  wandering  Algonquin  spoke  to  him  of  a  number 
of  savage  tribesmen  far  up  near  Hudson  Bay,  which  in  those 
days  was  considered  to  be  the  North  Sea.  Thither  he  and 
the  great  Druillettes,  the  apostle  of  Maine,  determined  to- 
direct  their  steps. 

108 


CLAUDE  DABLON. 

"  We  have  long  known,"  say  the  Relations,  "  that  we  have 
the  North  Sea  behind  us  which  is  contiguous  to  that  of 
China,  and  all  we  have  to  do  is  to  find  an  entrance  to  it.  In 
that  region  lies  the  famous  bay,  70  leagues  wide  by  260 
long,  which  was  first  discovered  by  Husson,  who  gave  it  his 
name  but  won  no  glory  from  it  other  than  that  of  having 
first  opened  a  way  which  ends  in  unknown  empire.  Upon 
this  bay  are  found,  at  certain  seasons  of  the  year,  many 
nations,  known  by  the  general  name  of  Kilistinons. 

"  During  the  past  winter,  a  Nippisirien  chief  entertained 
us  with  a  full  account  of  the  number  of  these  peoples,  the 
situation  and  nature  of  the  country,  and  especially  with  a 
description  of  a  general  fair  in  the  following  summer  to 
which  our  savages  of  Quebec  and  Tadoussac  were  invited. 
It  was  a  fine  opportunity  for  us  to  go  in  person  and  gain  in- 
formation which  we  had  hitherto  obtained  only  through  un- 
trustworthy sources.  Such  information  is  important  as  well 
for  an  exact  knowledge  of  the  longitudes  and  latitudes  of 
the  new  country — data  on  which  is  based  in  part  the  assump- 
tion that  a  passage  to  the  Sea  of  Japan  is  found  there — as 
also  for  seeing,  on  the  spot,  what  means  there  are  for  labor- 
ing effectively  for  the  conversion  of  those  peoples. 

"  To  this  end  Fathers  Gabriel  Druillettes  and  Claude 
Dablon  with  the  greater  part  of  our  savages  started  from 
here  in  the  month  of  May  last ;  the  first  Father  proposing  to 
winter  there  to  obtain  at  leisure  all  information  requisite  for 
assuring  that  mission's  success." 

It  may  be  remarked  here  that  this  plain  statement  of  the 
purpose  of  the  expedition  disposes  of  Parkman's  gibe,  that 
the  Jesuit  missionaries  of  this  epoch  had  in  great  measure 
lost  the  apostolic  spirit  of  their  predecessors,  and  were 
chiefly  desirous  of  making  scientific  explorations.  The 
missions  were  indeed  scientific  and  had  been  from  the  be- 
ginning, but  science  was  only  a  means  to  an  end.  That  end 
was  at  all  times  the  salvation  of  souls. 

Dablon  in  an  interesting  letter  tells  us  of  the  result  of  this 

109 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

expedition.  We  give  a  few  extracts.  It  is  too  long  to  quote 
in  its  entirety,  and  the  student  may  find  it  in  the  forty-sixth 
volume  of  the  Relations.  It  is  dated  "  From  Nekouba,  one 
hundred  leagues  from  Tadoussac,  in  the  forest,  on  the  way 
to  the  North  Sea,  this  second  of  July,  1661,"  and  begins 
with  "Transivimus  per  eremum  terribilem  et  maximum,  we 
can  well  say  with  Moses.  We  have  passed  through  forests 
which  might  easily  have  frightened  the  most  confident  of 
travellers — whether  by  the  vast  extent  of  these  boundless 
solitudes  where  God  only  is  t@  be  found,  or  by  the  rugged- 
ness  of  the  ways,  which  are  alike  rough  and  dangerous,  since 
one  must  journey  over  naught  but  precipices  and  over  bot- 
tomless gulfs  where  one  struggles  for  his  life  in  a  frail  shell, 
against  whirlpools  capable  of  wrecking  larger  vessels.  At 
last  here  we  are,  with  God's  help,  half-way  to  the  North  Sea. 
Enclosed  is  a  little  journal,  written  now  on  the  surface  of  a 
rock,  amid  the  roar  of  the  falls,  and  now  at  the  foot  of  a 
tree,  when  one  could  be  found  large  enough  to  shelter  us 
from  the  sun's  rays,  which  here  are  well  nigh  unbearable." 

The  travellers  were  detained  three  weeks  at  Tadoussac 
by  "  a  contagious  disease  hitherto  unknown  which  swept 
away  the  greater  number  of  those  whom  it  attacked;  the 
victims  dying  in  horrible  convulsions."  The  start  was  finally 
made  up  the  Saguenay  with  forty  canoes,  but  beyond  making 
some  observations  about  the  remarkable  ebb  and  flow  of  the 
noble  river,  Dablon  leaves  us  no  description  of  what  it  was 
in  those  early  days. 

Tadoussac,  or  Tatoushak,  as  the  Indians  called  it,  from 
which  they  started,  gets  its  name  from  the  high  sand  hills 
by  which  the  place  is  surrounded.  It  is  about  120  miles 
below  Quebec,  and  only  of  late  years  have  white  men  settled 
in  that  vicinity ;  but  the  story  of  Tadoussac  goes  back  to  the 
first  discovery  of  Canada.  Cartier  dropped  anchor  in  its 
harbor  in  1531,  and  the  Jesuits  established  a  mission  there 
in  1639.  Their  little  bark  hut  where  Mass  was  said  was 
replaced  by  a  chapel  in  1648,  and  one  hundred  years  after- 

110 


CLAUDE  DABLON. 

wards  another  was  built,  which  still  remains  to  interest  the 
tourists  who  are  now  venturing  into  the  wild  regions 
through  which  the  dark  Saguenay  flows. 

What  the  Saguenay  was  in  those  times  can  with  difficulty 
be  imagined.  A  writer  of  the  present  day  says,  "  It  can 
hardly  be  called  a  river.  It  is  rather  a  stupendous  chasm 
from  one  to  two  and  a  half  miles  in  width,  doubtless  of 
earthquake  origin,  cleft  for  sixty-five  miles  through  the  high 
Laurentian  plateau.  Its  walls  are  an  almost  unbroken  line 
of  naked  cliffs  of  syenite  and  gneiss.  Its  depth  is  many  hun- 
dred feet  greater  than  that  of  the  St.  Lawrence.  Indeed,  if 
the  St.  Lawrence  were  drained  dry,  all  the  fleets  of  the 
world  might  float  in  the  abyss  of  the  Saguenay,  and  yet  find 
anchorage  only  in  a  few  places." 

"  It  is  nature's  sarcophagus,"  says  another.  "  Talk  of 
Lethe  and  the  Styx;  they  must  have  been  purling  brooks, 
compared  with  this  savage  river."  Its  rushing  waters  burst 
out  into  the  mighty  St.  Lawrence  striving  to  reach  the  op- 
posite shore. 

Two  rocky  promontories  guard  the  entrance  of  the  gorge : 
the  Pointe  aux  Bouleaux,  as  it  is  now  called,  and  the  Pointe 
aux  Vaches,  which  got  its  name  from  the  number  of  sea 
cows,  or  walruses,  which  are  reported  to  have  swarmed  there 
in  early  times  when  they  were  hunted  by  the  Basques.  The 
grampus  may  still  be  seen  at  times,  disporting  itself  in  the 
water.  Three  or  four  miles  up  are  islands  which  seem  to 
bar  the  way,  and  higher  still  is  the  Saguenay's  chief  tribu- 
tary, the  Marguerite,  and  further  on  again,  but  on  the  op- 
posite side,  the  Little  Saguenay  enters  the  stream.  Beyond 
this  loom  two  enormous  promontories,  called  "  Trinity  "  and 
"  Eternity  " ;  "  three  different  elevations,  and  yet  but  one 
rock ;  three  distinct  heights,  and  yet  each  about  the  same  in 
its  own  individual  extent  and  proportion;  three  equal  steps, 
yet  each  distant  from  the  other,  and  one  great,  awful  '  Trin- 
ity' of  cape  and  mountain  raising  aloft  its  summit  to  a 
majestically  precipitous  height  of  1,900  feet.  Coming  near 

111 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

to  the  frowning  sides  of  these  peaks,  the  feeling  of  awe  is 
increased  by  the  remembrance  that  the  still,  black  water  of 
the  river,  out  of  which  these  mountain  capes  so  abruptly 
rise,  is  neary  2,000  feet  deep.  Cape  Eternity  is  more  than 
a  hundred  feet  higher  than  Trinity,  or  nearly  six  times  as 
high  as  the  citadel  of  Quebec,  and  if  ever  mountain  any- 
where deserved  a  name,  it  is  assuredly  that  of  Cape  Eternity. 
The  Man  of  Uz  might  have  had  in  his  mind  the  birth  of 
the  Saguenay  when  he  wrote,  3,400  years  ago :  '  He  over- 
turneth  the  mountains  by  the  roots.  He  cutteth  out  rivers 
among  the  rocks.' ' 

Still  ascending  the  river,  we  come  to  what  the  French 
explorers  called  Ha!  Ha!  Bay,  thinking  it  was  the  main 
channel  of  the  Saguenay,  and  finally,  sixty-eight  miles  from 
the  mouth  is  Chicoutimi,  the  head  of  navigation.  There 
the  torrent  of  that  name  leaps  down  into  the  River  of  Death, 
as  Bayard  Taylor  calls  the  Saguenay,  over  rocks  fifty  feet 
high,  after  having  descended  nearly  five  hundred  more  in 
the  short  space  of  seventeen  miles  above,  in  its  course  from 
Lake  St.  John. 

In  1647  the  Jesuit  De  Quen  had  reached  that  lake  when 
looking  for  some  sick  Indians  whom  he  had  converted  down 
in  Tadoussac.  He  was  the  first  white  man  to  set  foot  on 
the  shores  of  that  inland  sea.  His  description  of  it  is  to  be 
found  in  the  Relations,  and  travellers  to-day  note  its  exact- 
ness. Dablon,  however,  gives  a  more  picturesque  descrip- 
tion of  it  than  that  left  by  De  Quen. 

"  The  lake  presents  a  beautiful  appearance,  being  dotted 
with  a  number  of  islands  near  its  mouth,  while  beyond  them 
it  gently  spreads  its  waters  over  a  fine  sandy  beach  which 
entirely  surrounds  it,  forming  a  circle  that  tends  somewhat 
towards  an  oval,  and  is  from  seven  to  eight  leagues  in 
diameter.  It  has  the  appearance  of  being  crowned  with  a 
beautiful  forest  which  shades  its  shores,  and  from  whatever 
point  we  survey  it,  constitutes  a  fine  natural  stage  of  verdant 
scenery,  twenty  leagues  in  circumference.  It  is  not  very 

112 


CLAUDE  DABLON. 

deep,  considering  the  numerous  rivers  that  empty  into  it, 
and  which  ought  to  increase  its  size,  since  it  has  but  one 
outlet,  the  Saguenay,  of  which  it  is  the  source." 

Here  the  Indians  wanted  to  stop,  and  advised  strongly 
against  proceeding  farther  on  account  of  the  dangers  of  the 
route.  There  was  news  also  of  a  frightful  malady  prevail- 
ing there  which  was  a  combination  of  lunacy,  hypochondria 
and  frenzy,  developing  a  more  than  canine  hunger,  and 
making  the  victims  ravenous  for  human  flesh.  But  Dablon 
insisted  that  they  had  gone  too  far  to  turn  back.  Before 
leaving  the  lake,  however,  "  he  had  the  happiness  of  taking 
possession  of  the  new  land  in  God's  name  by  baptizing  eight 
persons.  Four  were  christened  in  due  form  on  the  sandy 
beach  with  all  the  ceremonies  that  time  and  place  would 
allow.  I  fancy  that  the  Angels  of  heaven  had  their  eyes 
•fixed  on  this  spectacle,  and  took  more  pleasure  in  viewing 
these  holy  ceremonies,  performed  with  entire  simplicity  in 
a  church  of  leaves  and  a  sanctuary  of  bark,  than  those  that 
are  celebrated  with  such  pomp  and  ceremony  beneath  the 
marble  and  porphyry  of  Europe's  great  basilicas. 

"  In  the  Octave  of  Corpus  Christi  we  started  on  our  way 
to  enter  Satan's  dominions  in  good  earnest.  We  accordingly 
issued  from  the  lake  upon  the  river  Assouapmouchouan, 
which  we  named  the  Blessed  Sacrament.  It  is  beautiful  and 
wide,  divided  here  and  there  by  islands  and  meadows.  We 
did  not  think  that  such  peaceful  waters  could  be  lashed  to 
so  great  a  fury  against  the  rocks  disputing  their  passage." 
Four  great  waterfalls  soon  compelled  them  to  leave  the  river 
and  to  carry  their  boats  above.  Later  on  two  more  portages 
so  wearied  the  travellers  that  they  "  were  forced  to  seek  a 
"hostelry  to  pass  the  night.  The  neighboring  woods  fur- 
nished us  a  fine  one,  built  of  great  trees,  under  which  one 
slumbers  more  sweetly  than  under  canopies  of  gold  and 
azure  where  unrest  and  sleeplessness  make  their  abode  more 
frequently  than  in  the  silence  of  the  forests." 

Twenty-nine  days  after  leaving  Tadoussac  they  reached 
8  113 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

Nekouba.  "  We  found  its  latitude  to  be  49°  20',  and  its 
longitude  305°  10';  for  proceeding  N.  W.  by  W.  from 
Tadoussac,  we  come  to  Lake  St.  John  after  travelling  35 
leagues  by  the  shortest  route,  and  still  advancing  N.  W. 
by  W.  from  that  lake,  whose  latitude  is  48°  30'  and  longi- 
tude 307°  50',  we  arrive  here,  having  accomplished  about 
45  leagues  in  a  straight  line." 

Here  they  were  welcomed  with  great  demonstrations  of 
joy  by  the  Indians  gathered  for  the  fair.  "  The  orator, 
who  spoke  for  all,  took  his  stand  on  a  stump  that  chanced 
to  be  very  conveniently  at  the  water's  edge,  addressing  us 
at  great  length  with  many  gestures  and  as  grandly  as  if  he 
had  been  on  a  gilded  throne. 

"  There  was  nothing  beautiful,  nothing  attractive  to  be 
seen.  The  soil  was  dry,  barren  and  sandy,  and  the  moun- 
tains were  covered  only  with  rocks  or  little  stunted  trees 
which  find  insufficient  moisture  in  the  crevices  from  which 
they  spring.  The  people  do  not  cultivate  the  soil,  but  live 
as  the  birds  do,  and  are  often  a  prey  to  famine.  There  are 
no  mosquitoes,  midges  or  gnats,  as  they  find  nothing  to  live 
on.  It  is  the  sole  redeeming  quality  of  these  deserts.  The 
air  is  almost  always  brown  with  smoke  caused  by  the  burn- 
ing of  the  surrounding  woods  which,  catching  fire  all  at 
once  within  a  circuit  of  fifteen  or  twenty  leagues,  send  us 
their  ashes  from  a  distance  of  more  than  ten  leagues.  The 
trees  are  pines,  spruce  and  thorns,  which  are  all  resinous, 
and  their  trunks  are  coated  with  a  sticky  gum  that  makes 
the  whole  forest  inflammable.  The  great  conflagrations  are 
caused  either  by  lightning,  or  carelessness,  or  sometimes  be- 
cause of  the  wantonness  of  some  savage.  Though  the  heat 
is  unbearable  at  times,  yet  the  cold  is  so  intense  and  continued 
that  snowshoes  are  used  as  late  as  June." 

They  baptized  some  poor  people  there,  one  of  whom  espe- 
cially seemed  to  have  been  preserved  by  God  for  their  com- 
ing. "  Do  not  such  dispensations  of  Providence,"  says 
Dablon,  "  compensate  with  usury  the  fatigues  undergone 

114 


CLAUDE  DABLON. 

in  coming  so  far  to  win  souls  A  single  conversation  on 
heavenly  themes  with  a  savage  in  some  wooded  nook,  or  on 
the  edge  of  a  rock ;  a  soul  won  for  God ;  a  child  baptized ; 
a  barbarian  at  your  feet  weeping  over  the  sins  of  many 
years,  although  they  may  be  often  years  of  ignorance,  impart 
a  joy  greater  than  the  trouble  of  a  long  and  arduous  jour- 
ney." 

The  same  terror  that  pervaded  the  regions  of  the  St. 
Lawrence  met  the  missionaries  in  those  parts.  The  Iroquois 
had  penetrated  these  distant  regions,  and  there  was  a  con- 
stant dread  of  meeting  them.  For  that  or  some  other  reason 
which  the  missionaries  do  not  explain,  it  was  impossible  to 
obtain  guides  to  lead  them  to  the  North  Sea,  and  conse- 
quently they  were  compelled  to  retrace  their  steps  towards 
Lake  St.  John  and  the  Tadoussac,  and  from  there  to  Quebec. 

The  Saguenay  missions  were  not,  however,  abandoned. 
Tadoussac  remained  the  headquarters,  and  we  find  Pere  La 
Brosse  laboring  there  in  1782,  nine  years  after  the  Society 
was  suppressed.  About  him  a  curious  legend  is  still  told  to 
travellers.  "  The  Father,"  so  the  story  runs,  "  had  been  work- 
ing hard  all  day,  as  usual,  among  his  converts  and  in  the 
services  of  the  church,  and  had  spent  the  evening  in  pleasant 
converse  with  some  of  the  officers  of  the  post.  Their  amaze- 
ment and  incredulity  may  be  imagined  when,  as  he  got  up 
to  go,  he  bade  them  good-bye  for  eternity,  and  announced 
that  at  midnight  he  would  be  a  corpse,  adding  that  the  bell 
of  his  chapel  would  toll  for  his  passing  soul  at  that  hour. 
He  told  them  that  if  they  did  not  believe  him  they  could  go 
and  see  for  themselves,  but  begged  them  not  to  touch  his 
body.  He  bade  them  fetch  Messire  Compain,  who  would 
be  waiting  for  them  next  day  at  the  lower  end  of  Isle  aux 
Coudres,  to  wrap  him  in  his  shroud  and  bury  him ;  and  this 
they  were  to  do  without  heeding  what  the  weather  should 
be,  for  he  would  answer  for  the  safety  of  those  who  under- 
took the  voyage.  The  little  party,  astounded,  sat,  watch  in 
hand,  marking  the  hours  pass,  till,  at  the  first  stroke  of  mid- 
115 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

night,  the  chapel  bell  began  to  toll,  and,  trembling  with  fear, 
they  rushed  into  the  church.  There,  prostrate  before  the 
altar,  hands  joined  in  prayer,  shrouding  his  face  alike  from 
the  first  glimpse  of  the  valley  of  the  shadow  of  death,  and 
from  the  dazzling  glory  of  the  waiting  angels,  lay  Pere  La 
Brosse,  dead.  What  fear  and  sorrow  must  have  mingled 
with  the  pious  hopes  and  tender  prayers  of  those  rough 
traders  and  rougher  Indians  as,  awe-stricken,  they  kept  vigil 
that  April  night.  With  sunrise  came  a  violent  storm;  but 
mindful  of  his  command  and  promise,  four  brave  men  risked 
their  lives  on  the  water.  The  lashing  waves  parted  to  form 
a  calm  path  for  their  canoe,  and  wondrously  soon  they  were 
at  Isle  aux  Coudres.  There,  as  had  been  foretold  by  Pere 
La  Brosse,  was  M.  Compain  waiting  on  the  rocks,  breviary 
in  hand,  and  as  soon  as  they  were  within  hearing,  his  shout 
told  them  he  knew  their  strange  errand,  for  the  night  before 
he  had  been  mysteriously  warned;  the  bell  of  his  church 
was  tolled  at  midnight  by  invisible  hands,  and  a  voice  had 
told  him  what  had  happened  and  was  yet  to  happen,  and  had 
bade  him  be  ready  to  do  his  office.  In  all  the  missions  that 
Pere  La  Brosse  had  served,  the  church  bells,  it  is  said^ 
marked  that  night  his  dying  moment. 

To  this  charming  legend  the  Abbe  Casgrain  adds :  "  For 
many  years  the  Indians  going  up  and  down  the  Saguenay 
never  passed  Tadoussac  without  praying  in  the  church  where 
reposed  the  body  of  him  who  had  been  to  them  the  image 
of  their  Heavenly  Father.  They  prostrated  themselves  with 
faces  to  the  ground  above  his  tomb,  and,  placing  their 
mouths  at  a  little  opening  made  in  the  floor  of  the  choir, 
they  talked  to  him  as  in  his  lifetime,  with  a  confidence  that 
could  not  fail  to  touch  God's  heart.  Then  they  applied  their 
ears  to  the  orifice  to  hear  the  saint's  answer.  In  the  ingenu- 
ousness of  their  faith  and  simplicity  of  their  hearts  they 
imagined  that  the  good  Father  heard  them  in  his  coffin,  that 
he  answered  their  questions,  and  afterwards  transmitted  to 
God  their  prayers.  This  touching  custom  has  ceased  since 

116 


CLAUDE  DABLON. 

the  removal  of  the  remains  of  Pere  La  Brosse.  The  aban- 
donment and  ruin  into  which  the  chapel  of  Tadoussac  had 
fallen  decided  the  removal  of  these  holy  relics  a  good  many 
years  ago  to  the  Church  of  Chicoutimi." 

After  these  apostolic  journeys  far  up  in  the  gloomy  re- 
gions near  Hudson  Bay,  we  find  Dablon  out  on  Lake  Su- 
perior with  his  friends  Allouez  and  Marquette,  forming  with 
them  what  Bancroft  calls  "  the  illustrious  triumvirate." 
There  seems  to  be  always  a  brightness  in  the  scene  where 
Dablon  enters.  His  accounts  of  situations,  his  descriptions 
of  places  and  people,  are  marvellously  clear  and  comprehen- 
sive, with  a  vein  of  humor  running  through  all  he  says,  and 
so  vivid  that  the  occurrences  of  over  230  years  ago  are  as 
real  as  if  they  happened  yesterday. 

Putting  before  his  readers  a  singularly  accurate  word- 
map  of  Lakes  Superior  and  Michigan,  he  takes  them 
familiarly  by  the  hand  and  travels  in  their  company  from 
one  station  to  another  all  over  that  vast  territory.  Michilli- 
mackinac  and  Sault  Ste.  Marie,  he  tells  you,  "  are  the  two 
doors  and  locks,  one  for  the  South,  the  other  for  the  North  ; 
and  therefore  all  the  Indians  who  do  any  trading  have  to 
pass  by  one  or  other  of  those  passages.  That  is  the  reason 
we  chose  them  for  our  missions. 

"  Michillimackinac  is  an  island,  a  league  in  diameter,  and 
has  such  high  steep  rocks  that  it  can  be  seen  a  distance  of 
more  than  twelve  leagues.  What  is  commonly  called  the 
Sault  is  not  properly  a  Sault,  or  a  very  high  waterfall,  but 
a  very  violent  current  of  waters  from  Lake  Superior,  which, 
finding  itself  checked  by  a  great  number  of  rocks  that  dis- 
pute their  passage,  form  a  dangerous  cascade  of  half  a 
league  in  width,  all  these  waters  descending  and  plunging 
headlong  together,  as  if  by  a  flight  of  stairs,  over  the  rocks, 
which  bar  the  whole  river.  Nineteen  different  tribes  gather 
there  to  fish,  and  evangelization  of  them  is  comparatively 
easy." 

He  discusses  the  currents,  and  the  winds,  and  the  porous 

117 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

rocks ;  describes  the  different  varieties  of  fish ;  tells  you  what 
dexterity  and  strength  are  needed  to  net  the  whitefish  with- 
out upsetting  your  canoe;  guides  you  along  the  shores  of 
Lake  Superior;  enumerates  the  rivers  that  run  into  it;  and 
wonders  if  the  great  sea,  which  the  Winnipeg  Indians,  who 
have  come  down  to  fish,  tell  him  of,  is  really  the  North  Sea. 

"  Two  reasons,"  he  writes,  "  have  led  us  to  make  a  jour- 
ney as  far  as  the  region  of  that  North  Sea.  The  first  is  to 
see  in  what  way  we  can  apply  ourselves  to  the  conversion  of 
those  tribes.  The  second,  to  discover  at  last  that  North 
Sea,  of  which  so  much  has  been  said,  and  which  has  not  yet 
been  found  by  land.  If  we  get  there  we  can  find  by  a  com- 
parison of  its  latitude  and  longitude  whether  it  is  the  bay 
to  which  Hutson  penetrated  in  1612,  and  then  ascertain 
what  part  of  the  sea  is  nearest  to  us.  Secondly,  we  can 
learn  whether  communication  can  be  had  from  Quebec  all 
the  way  to  the  sea,  by  following  the  Northern  snores  as  it 
was  attempted  some  years  ago.  If  it  is  found  to  be  Hut- 
son's  bay,  easy  communication  cannot  be  hoped  for,  since  it 
would  be  necessary  to  double  a  point  extending  to  more 
than  63  degrees  of  latitude.  Thirdly,  we  can  verify  the 
quite  probable  conjectures  that  a  passage  could  be  made 
by  this  route  to  the  Japan  sea.  For  at  some  days'  journey 
from  the  mission  of  St.  Francis  Xavier,  at  the  Bay  des 
Puans,  is  found  a  great  river  more  than  a  league  in  width." 
This  is  the  Mississippi,  which  he  is  eager  to  explore,  and 
he  goes  on  to  describe  what  the  savages  had  told  him  of  it. 

The  same  informants  had  spoken  of  a  Western  sea  beyond 
Lake  Superior,  which,  he  says,  "  can  be  nothing  else  than 
the  Japan  sea.  So  that  if  we  can  reach  the  Northern  sea, 
and  the  Western  sea  and  go  down  the  Mississippi  to  the 
Southern  sea,  it  will  be  possible  to  pass  from  one  to  the 
other,  and  will  be  most  advantageous  for  commerce."  These 
were  not  all  dreams,  for  Marquette  found  the  Southern  sea, 
and  it  is  not  at  all  impossible  that  the  Indians  who  told  him 
of  the  Western  sea  had  travelled  to  the  lakes  from  the  Pacific 

118 


CLAUDE  DABLON. 

or  Sea  of  Japan.  Such  journeys  were  not  too  great  for 
them. 

Dablon  gives  us  a  detailed  account  of  his  travels  through 
Wisconsin  with  his  companion  Allouez;  tells  of  their  jour- 
ney inland  after  leaving  Green  Bay;  the  pleasant  rivers  and 
lakes,  the  fertile  country  on  all  sides,  what  animals  and  birds 
were  found  there — the  American  pelican  then  comes  for  the 
first  time  before  us  and  its  skilful  method  of  fishing  is  noted ; 
the  character  of  the  savages  is  described;  their  ridiculous 
antics  in  endeavoring  to  imitate  the  drill  of  European  sol- 
diers; the  mild-mannered,  polite  and  hospitable  chief,  who 
was  at  the  same  time  a  great  warrior,  etc.  He  tells  us  of  the 
rock-hewn  idol  which  he  took  from  its  base  at  De  Pere 
Rapids  and  threw  into  the  river ;  the  curious  way  the  savages 
had  of  honoring  the  crucifix  by  throwing  snuff  at  it,  and 
finally,  when  the  travellers  returned,  what  observations  they 
made  of  the  remarkable  parhelion  that  occurred  in  the  spring 
of  the  year  1671.  He  gives  a  minute  description  of  all  the 
phenomena  connected  with  it,  draws  a  chart  of  the  different 
false  suns  that  appeared,  and  carefully  notes  the  time  of  the 
occurrence  in  other  localities. 

It  is  Dablon  who  first  informed  the  world  of  the  vast 
wealth  that  lay  yet  undiscovered  in  those  distant  regions. 
In  the  Relations  of  1669-71  he  describes  in  great  detail  the 
rich  copper  mines  of  Lake  Superior.  He  had  determined 
even  then  the  principal  spots;  such  places  as  Thunder 
Island,  Isle  Royale,  Chagaouamigong  Point,  as  he  calls  it; 
the  River  Nantounagan,  etc.  He  had  seen  a  "  '  Rock  of 
Copper '  weighing  fully  seven  or  eight  hundred  livres,  so 
hard  that  steel  can  hardly  cut  it,"  and  he  adds  in  his  report, 
"  all  this  information  and  more  besides,  which  is  not  neces- 
sary to  give  in  detail,  make  it  worth  while  to  undertake  an 
exact  investigation  in  these  matters,  and  that  is  what  we 
shall  try  to  do."  The  world  of  commerce,  especially  in  our 
days  of  copper-wiring,  roofing  and  the  rest,  owes  something 
to  Dablon,  who  wrote  of  these  treasures  as  far  back  as  1670. 

119 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

An  event  occurred  in  those  regions  while  Dablon  was 
there,  which,  with  his  sunny  disposition,  he  would  not  have 
missed  for  the  world.  "  It  is  not  our  purpose,"  he  says,  "  to 
describe  this  ceremony  in  detail," — but  the  good  man  does 
not  keep  his  word,  and  we  are  glad  he  did  not. 

"  When  Monsieur  Talon  our  Intendant  returned  from 
Portugal,  after  his  shipwreck,  he  was  commanded  by  the 
King  to  set  out  for  this  country,  to  exert  himself  strenuously 
for  the  establishment  of  Christianity,  and  to  cause  the  name 
and  the  sovereignty  of  our  invincible  monarch  to  be  ac- 
knowledged by  even  the  least  known  and  the  most  remote 
nations."  Talon  commissioned  De  Saint  Lusson  to  prepare 
a  solemn  prize  de  possession  of  the  Northwest. 

In  May,  1671,  De  Saint  Lusson  appeared  at  Sault  Ste. 
Marie,  and  summoned  the  tribes  within  a  radius  of  a  hun- 
dred leagues  or  more  to  meet  him  on  June  4th  "  for  the  most 
solemn  ceremony  ever  observed  in  those  regions." 

"  When  all  had  assembled  in  a  great  public  council,  and 
a  height  had  been  chosen  well  adapted  to  his  purpose,  over- 
looking as  it  did  the  village  and  people  of  the  Sault,  he 
caused  the  cross  to  be  planted  there  and  then  the  King's 
standard  to  be  raised  with  all  the  pomp  he  could  devise.  The 
cross  was  publicly  blessed  by  the  Superior  of  the  Missions 
(Dablon  himself),  with  all  the  ceremonies  of  the  Church, 
and  then  when  it  had  been  raised  from  the  ground  for  the 
purpose  of  planting  it,  the  Vexilla  was  sung,  many  French- 
men there  present  joining  in  the  hymn  to  the  wonder  and 
delight  of  the  savages.  Then  the  French  escutcheon  fixed 
to  a  cedar  pole  was  erected  above  the  cross  while  the  Exau- 
diat  was  sung,  and  prayer  for  his  Majesty's  sacred  person 
was  offered  in  that  far  away  corner  of  the  world.  After 
this  M.  De  Saint  Lusson  took  possession  of  those  regions 
while  the  air  resounded  with  repeated  shouts  of  '  Long  live 
the  King '  and  with  the  discharge  of  musketry,  to  the  de- 
light and  astonishment  of  those  people,  who  had  never  seen 
anything  of  the  kind. 

120 


CLAUDE  DABLON. 

"  Then  Father  Claude  Allouez  began  to  eulogize  the  king1, 
told  of  our  incomparable  monarch's  greatness,"  etc.,  what 
riches  he  had,  what  power,  what  splendor.  He  is  the  cap- 
tain of  captains,  and  has  not  his  equal  in  the  world,  with 
his  armies  and  navies  and  palaces.  "  When  he  attacks,  he 
is  more  terrible  than  the  thunder ;  the  air  and  the  sea  are  set 
on  fire  by  the  discharge  of  his  cannon.  He  has  been  seen 
amid  his  squadron  all  covered  with  the  blood  of  his  foes,  of 
whom  he  has  slain  so  many  with  his  sword  that  he  does  not 
count  their  scalps,"  etc.  The  Father  added  much  more  of 
this  sort.  He  had  to  be  "  bluggy  "  to  impress  the  savages. 
Then  M.  De  Saint  Lusson  spoke,  and  "  the  whole  ceremony 
was  closed  with  a  fine  bonfire  which  was  lighted  toward 
evening  and  around  which  the  Te  Deum  was  sung  to  thank 
God,  on  behalf  of  these  poor  people,  that  they  were  now  the 
subjects  of  so  great  and  powerful  a  monarch." 

After  this  Dablon  went  to  Quebec  as  General  Superior  of 
all  the  houses.  Talon  was  about  to  return  to  France,  but 
was  unwilling  to  leave  America  before  an  attempt  was  made 
to  discover  the  Great  River,  a  scheme  which,  of  course,  had 
possessed  the  soul  of  Dablon  for  years.  Joliet  had  just 
arrived.  He  had  been  present  at  the  great  ceremony  at  the 
Sault,  and  was  pursuing  the  copper  investigations  which 
Dablon  had  inaugurated.  He  was  to  undertake  the  discov- 
ery. Who  was  to  go  with  him  ?  That  depended  on  Dablon. 
Willingly  would  he  have  thrown  aside  his  superiorship  to 
realize  the  dream  of  his  lifetime.  He  could  not  go,  so  he 
appointed  his  friend  Marquette.  The  result  justified  the 
choice,  but  it  has  forever  linked  Dablon's  name  with  the 
great  achievement.  Were  it  not  for  him,  Marquette  could 
not  have  gone.  It  was  he  also  who  received  Marquette's 
letters  and  charts,  edited  them  and  gave  them  to  the  world. 

In  connection  with  this  journey  of  Marquette,  it  is  worth 
while  noting  that  Dablon  immediately  called  attention  to 
an  advantage  accruing  from  the  discovery  which  he  said 
"would  hardly  be  believed,"  namely,  that  "we  could  go  with- 

121 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

out  difficulty  to  Florida,  in  a  bark,  by  very  easy  navigation. 
It  would  only  be  necessary  to  make  a  canal  by  cutting 
through  only  half  a  league  of  prairie,  to  pass  from  the  end 
of  the  Lake  of  the  Illinois  (Michigan)  to  the  River  of  St. 
Louis  (Illinois).  Here  is  the  route  that  would  be  followed: 
The  bark  would  be  built  on  Lake  Erie;  it  would  easily  pass 
from  Lake  Erie  to  Lake  Huron,  whence  it  could  enter  Lake 
Illinois.  At  the  end  of  that  lake,  the  canal  which  I  have 
spoken  of  would  be  made  to  gain  a  passage  into  the  River 
St.  Louis,  which  falls  into  the  Mississippi.  The  bark  when 
there  would  easily  sail  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico."  (Relations, 
Iviii.) 

This  was  written  at  Quebec,  August  1,  1674.  Now  in 
March,  1907,  that  is,  233  years  afterwards,  the  Governor  of 
Illinois  sends  a  special  message  to  the  Legislature  advocating 
the  digging  of  this  same  canal.  Full  credit  is  given  to  the 
first  projectors,  however;  for  the  commission  appointed  to 
consider  the  proposal,  after  referring  to  Marquette's  and 
Joliet's  journey  across  the  Chicago  Divide,  reported  that 
Joliet  advocated  this  canal  in  a  letter  to  Dablon  August  i, 
1674.  Here  a  little  obscurity  occurs.  It  is  Dablon's  letter 
which  is  dated  August  1,  1674;  and  as  Joliet  was  then  in 
Quebec,  it  is  not  likely  he  wrote  to  his  friend  Dablon,  who 
was  in  the  same  place.  Joliet's  letter,  as  far  as  we  can  make 
out,  was  sent  to  France  three  months  later,  viz. :  in  Novem- 
ber. He  had  written  it  to  Frontenac  October  10th,  and  it 
is  found  on  a  panel  of  a  map  forwarded  to  the  home  govern- 
ment by  Frontenac.  But  although  the  map  was  made  in 
1674,  it  did  not  see  the  light  until  our  own  times,  viz. :  in 
1880,  when  it  was  published  by  Gravier  under  the  title: 
£tude  sur  une  carte  Inconnue.  This  information  is  found  in 
Rochemonteix  (viii,  p.  23).  Nevertheless  there  is  no  doubt 
whatever  that  all  of  Dablon's  information  was  given  to  him 
by  his  friend  Joliet.  He  expressly  says  so,  only  it  was  from 
memory,  as  Joliet  had  lost  his  maps  in  the  wreck  at  Lachine, 
and  Marquette's  papers  had  not  yet  arrived.  As  a  matter 

122 


CLAUDE  DABLON. 

of  fact  the  idea  of  the  canal  was  the  joint  result  of  the 
studies  and  deliberations  of  these  three  intimate  friends, 
Joliet,  Dablon  and  Marquette.  Nor  was  Dablon  taking  his 
information  at  second  hand.  He  had  travelled  all  through 
those  regions  with  Allouez  as  early  as  1670,  and  had  come 
very  near  the  Mississippi.  His  foresight  as  to  the  com- 
mercial possibilities  resulting  from  the  opening  of  the  west- 
ern country  is  very  remarkable. 

There  is  another  matter  connected  with  these  letters  and 
papers  which  is  of  interest,  not  only  to  the  student  of  his- 
tory, but  to  the  general  reader.  Besides  the  account  written 
in  August,  Dablon  sent  a  letter  to  Colbert  in  France,  dated 
November  llth,  which  probably  went  by  the  same  vessel 
that  carried  Joliet's  map.  In  it  he  says  that  "  Joliet  had  left 
at  Sault  Ste.  Marie  on  Lake  Superior  in  charge  of  the 
Fathers,  copies  of  his  journal,  which  we  cannot  obtain  till 
next  year;  but  in  which  you  will  find  more  particulars  about 
the  discovery,  in  which  he  has  so  well  acquitted  himself." 
Among  those  papers  at  the  Sault  was  Marquette's  account ; 
a  copy  of  which  had  been  taken  by  Joliet,  but  which  he  lost 
at  Lachine  with  his  own  documents.  It  was  more  than 
likely  that  the  original  account  by  Marquette  or  another 
copy  was  sent  to  Colbert,  as  Dablon  had  promised.  But, 
strangely  enough,  it  was  published  in  France  only  in  1680, 
and  then  in  a  very  mutilated  form  and  with  a  systematic 
omission  throughout  of  Marquette's  name.  What  is  the 
explanation  of  this  delay  and  mutilation? 

Just  before  Marquette's  discovery,  difficulties  had  arisen 
among  the  missionaries  in  the  East  Indies,  which  so  irritated 
Cardinal  Altieri,  who  was  then  the  dominant  power  at  Rome, 
that  he  forbade  the  publication  of  the  accounts  of  the  mis- 
sions of  any  part  of  the  world,  without  leave  of  the  Propa- 
ganda. This  angered  Louis  XIV,  and  nearly  precipitated  a 
clash  between  France  and  the  Holy  See.  The  conflict  had 
the  effect  of  suspending  the  publication  of  the  Relations  just 
at  the  moment  of  the  great  discovery,  namely,  1673.  Hence, 

123 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

when  Dablon's  report  came  over,  it  could  not  be  given  to 
the  public  without  the  authorization  of  the  Propaganda,  and 
that  authorization  Louis  XIV  refused  to  ask.  It  is  more 
than  likely,  therefore,  that  Thevenet,  who  edited  the  account 
in  1680,  omitted  the  name  of  Marquette  so  as  to  deprive  it 
of  all  appearance  of  a  missionary  relation,  in  order  to  avoid 
any  condemnation  by  the  Holy  See.  Finally,  it  is  Dablon's 
account  substantiated  by  Frontenac's  letter,  which  disposes 
definitely  of  the  claims  of  La  Salle  to  have  been  the  first 
discoverer  of  the  Mississippi. 

Dablon  remained  Superior  in  Quebec  until  1680.  He 
was  named  agaiA  in  1686  and  remained  in  office  till  1693. 
He  was  the  wisest  and  most  distinguished  and  most  experi- 
enced of  all  those  who  were  entrusted  with  the  onerous  task 
of  providing  means  to  carry  on  the  great  work  which  the 
Jesuits  had  set  for  themselves  in  Northern  America.  Ac- 
cording to  Rochemonteix  and  Terrien,  he  died  at  Quebec 
on  May  3,  1697.  Father  Martin  says  it  was  on  Septem- 
ber 20th. 


JOSEPH   CHAUMONOT. 

LIKE  his  companion  Dablon,  Chaumonot  had  a  very 
variable  patronymic.  He  was  Chaumonot,  or  Chau- 
monet,  or  Chaumont,  or  Calmonoti,  as  Carayon  misprints 
it,  or  Calvonotti,  as  it  also  appears  in  its  Italian  form,  though 
he  was  not  an  Italian,  Charveloix  to  the  contrary  notwith- 
standing. But,  no  matter  how  he  spelled  his  name,  he  was 
one  of  the  conspicuous  figures  in  the  early  ecclesiastical  his- 
tory of  New  York.  Rochemonteix,  yielding  somewhat  to 
his  propensity  for  vigorous  dissection  of  character,  even 
when  of  his  own  religious  family,  for  which  a  Canadian 
author  takes  him  to  task,  tells  us  that  "  Chaumonot  was  of 
a  very  singular  spiritual  physiognomy.  Simple  even  to 
credulity,  timid  even  to  fear,  of  an  intelligence  that  lacked 
culture,  impressionable,  and  with  nothing  in  his  character 
that  could  confer  distinction,  he  became,  under  the  influence 
of  divine  grace  and  the  austere  practice  of  exalted  virtue, 
one  of  the  most  beautiful  figures  of  the  Church  of  Canada." 
It  ought  to  be  noted  that  the  concluding  words  of  this  de- 
scription are  from  the  Abbe  Gosselin  and  are  only  quoted 
by  Rochemonteix. 

Doubtless  the  harshness  of  this  portrait  was  not  inten- 
tional, but  resulted  from  the  antithesis  employed,  which  aims 
at  effect  rather  than  correctness.  There  may  also  have  been 
an  unconscious  exaggeration  of  the  supernatural  at  the  ex- 
pense of  the  natural,  though  it  is  hard  to  reconcile  "  the 
austere  practice  of  exalted  virtue  "  with  writing  an  autobiog- 
raphy which  is  described  as  "  un  expose  naif  of  a  life  in 
which  the  marvellous  blends  too  easily  with  the  supernatural, 
and  is  of  another  age  and  another  world."  On  the  whole 
Abbe  Gosselin's  estimate  of  this  holy  man  and  mighty  mis- 
sionary will  suffice. 

Joseph  Marie  Chaumonot  was  born  near  Chatillon-sur- 

125 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

Seine.  He  was  the  son  of  a  poor  Burgundian  vine  dresser, 
and  when  still  a  child  was  sent  to  live  with  an  uncle,  an  old- 
fashioned  cure,  who  had  an  idea  that  he  might  develop  an  ec- 
clesiastical vocation.  The  old  man  was  apparently  too  exact- 
ing; for  the  lad  took  a  notion  to  run  away  to  study  music 
with  the  Oratorians  of  Beaume.  It  was  only  plain  chant,  and 
someone  else  tempted  him  to  go.  He  helped  himself  to 
five  sous  of  his  uncle's  money  to  defray  the  expenses  of  the 
expedition,  and,  without  breathing  a  word  to  anyone,  disap- 
peared. Of  course,  very  soon  his  five  sous  disappeared  also, 
and  then,  not  daring  to  return,  he  became  a  vagabond,  beg- 
ging something  to  eat  from  door  to  door,  sleeping  in  barns 
or  under  the  light  of  the  moon,  or  helped  from  time  to  time 
by  some  charitable  convent  where  he  stopped  to  ask  for 
food.  In  that  fashion  he  travelled  across  Savoy  and  Lom- 
bardy,  visited  Ancona  and  Loretto,  and  at  last  arrived  at 
Terni  in  Umbria,  barefooted,  with  his  clothes  in  tatters  and 
his  person  in  a  condition  which  is  not  generally  described 
in  print.  In  fact  Father  Chaumonot's  own  account  of  it  in 
his  Autobiography  is  somewhat  shocking  to  modern  ideas  of 
delicacy.  He  finds  employment  at  last  as  a  servant  in  the 
house  of  someone  fairly  well  off  and  settles  down  to  regular 
life,  but  happening  one  day  on  a  book  called  the  "  Lives  of 
Some  Holy  Hermits,"  he  begins  to  dream  of  becoming  a 
Capuchin,  a  Recollect,  a  Carmelite,  or  a  Hermit.  His  roving 
propensity,  however,  asserts  itself  again,  and  a  second  time 
he  takes  to  the  road  and  begs  his  way  through  Italy  to  Rome. 
Chance  brought  him  to  the  Jesuit  College  there,  and  some 
kindly  and  intelligent  influence  was  exerted  in  his  behalf, 
with  the  result  that  by  the  time  he  was  twenty-one — that  is, 
on  May  18,  1632 — we  find  him  a  very  holy  novice  of  the 
Society  of  Jesus.  His  long  stay  in  Italy  accounts  for  his 
being  sometimes  taken  for  an  Italian.  He  went  through  his 
philosophy  and  theology,  taking  only  what  Rochemonteix 
describes  as  a  leger  bagage;  but  it  was  heavy  enough  to  ex- 
plain the  difficulties  of  the  Hurons,  whom  he  was  going  to 

126 


JOSEPH  CHAUMONOT. 

convert.  Father  Poncet  left  Rome  along  with  him.  It  was 
he  who  had  influenced  Chaumonot  They  came  by  way  of 
France  and  crossed  the  ocean  with  the  Venerable  Marie  de 
1'Incarnation,  and  had  the  chance  of  witnessing  the  en- 
thusiasm of  the  colonists  when  that  holy  woman  and  her 
companions  came  off  the  ship  at  Quebec.  That  was  August 
1,  1639.  At  the  beginning  of  the  next  month,  Chaumonot 
presented  himself  to  Brebeuf  on  the  shores  of  Lake  Huron. 

Daniel,  who  was  afterwards  martyred,  was  one  of  his 
first  companions  in  this  new  work,  which  Chaumonot  prob- 
ably found  was  not  at  all  in  keeping  with  his  early  dreams, 
for  he  wrote  to  the  Superior  of  the  Professed  House  at 
Rome,  Father  Napi :  "  Never  could  I  imagine  such  hard- 
heartedness  as  there  is  in  a  savage.  You  cannot  convert  him 
unless  you  pay  him  for  it.  But  he  is  by  no  means  stupid. 
On  the  contrary,  he  is  more  intelligent  than  our  average 
peasant.  The  difficulty  is  with  the  sixth  commandment. 
Purity  is  non-existent,  even  among  the  women.  The  chief 
and  the  sorcerers  are  the  most  licentious,  and  permanency  of 
marriage  is  out  of  the  question.  Every  time  I  go  to  their 
cabins  I  feel  as  if  I  were  going  to  be  hanged." 

He  went,  nevertheless,  and  discovered  that  he  had  an  un- 
usual facility  for  picking  up  their  language.  He  could  speak 
it  inside  of  a  month,  and  he  has  left  some  valuable  works  on 
the  Huron  dialects.  His  Huron  Grammar  has  been  trans- 
lated by  Wilkie  and  published  in  the  Quebec  Lit.  and  Hist. 
Soc.,  Trans,  vii,  1831.  In  fact  the  Indians,  who  plumed 
themselves  on  their  oratorical  powers  and  their  art  of  coin- 
ing words,  admitted  that  Chaumonot  surpassed  them  all. 

After  a  few  months  Brebeuf  took  him  as  companion  in  an 
expedition  to  the  Neuter  Indians,  who  lived  north  of  Lake 
Erie,  where  the  Niagara  River  formed  the  only  barrier  be- 
tween them  and  their  terrible  foes,  the  Iroquois.  Had  Chau- 
monot been  "  timid  even  to  fear,"  he  could  never  have  kept 
pace  with  Brebeuf,  especially  in  this  instance.  For,  though 
the  Hurons  were  bad  enough,  the  wild  orgies  of  the  Neuters, 

127 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

their  fiendish  manner  of  executing  captives,  of  which  Chau- 
monot  has  left  us  some  harrowing  descriptions,  and  the 
grossness  of  their  immorality  made  them  worse  than  any 
Indians  he  had  yet  seen. 

The  missionaries  started  out  in  November,  and  after  five 
days'  journey  through  forests  covered  with  snow,  arrived 
at  Kadoucho,  which  they  called  All  Saints.  It  was  not  as 
pleasant  as  tramping  under  the  sunny  skies  of  Italy,  but 
Chaumonot  never  flinched,  even  when  he  found  that  the 
Hurons  had  sent  messengers  to  the  Neuters  counseling 
murder.  Everywhere  they  were  threatened  with  being  eaten 
alive,  but  they  could  not  be  frightened.  They  would  some- 
times force  their  way  among  the  scowling  savages  and  dare 
them  to  carry  out  their  threat.  Possibly  it  was  amazement 
at  the  audacity  of  these  two  lonely  white  men  that  made  the 
Indians  hesitate,  and  content  themselves  with  flinging  them 
out  of  their  wigwams  to  perish  in  the  snow. 

There  were  about  12,000  of  those  wretched  people  scat- 
tered around  in  forty  settlements.  After  visiting  eighteen 
of  their  villages,  from  most  of  which  they  were  expelled,  or 
to  which  they  were  not  admitted,  they  gave  up  the  work 
as  hopeless.  They  had  devoted  five  terrible  months  to  the 
task, and  now  weary  and  broken  they  wended  their  way  back 
to  St.  Mary's,  though  the  thaw  had  set  in,  making  the  jour- 
ney doubly  perilous.  Chaumonot  had  suffered  everything 
as  well  as  Brebeuf  and  displayed  the  same  courage.  At  one 
time,  while  the  Indians  were  howling  around  him  and  threat- 
ening to  drink  his  blood,  one  savage  stood  in  front  of  him 
with  his  arrow  drawn  to  head,  about  to  kill  him.  Though 
only  a  novice  in  missionary  life,  Chaumonot  calmly  looked 
the  murderer  in  the  eye,  and  the  astonished  warrior  turned 
and  went  away. 

It  is  several  times  related,  by  the  Venerable  Marie  de 
1'Incarnation,  that,  during  these  missionary  expeditions, 
Chaumonot  in  a  vision  saw  Father  Daniel,  who  had  just 
been  killed,  and,  recognizing  the  martyr,  exclaimed :  "  Ah ! 

128 


JOSEPH  CHAUMONOT. 

dear  Father,  why  did  God  permit  your  body  to  be  so  horribly 
treated  after  your  death,  not  even  permitting  us  to  gather 
up  your  ashes  ?  "  The  martyr  replied :  "  He  has  regarded 
my  reproach  and  has  recompensed  as  only  He  can  the  labor 
of  His  servant.  I  have  led  with  me  to  heaven  a  great  num- 
ber of  the  souls  of  Purgatory."  Daniel,  it  is  said,  appeared 
another  time  at  a  council  of  the  Fathers  and  exhorted  them 
to  labor  for  the  glory  of  God. 

Chaumonot  shared  in  all  the  hardships  and  dangers  of 
that  Huron  mission  until  it  was  destroyed.  He  was  there 
when  Brebeuf  and  Lalemant  and  Chabanel  and  Gamier  won 
their  crowns  of  martyrdom.  He  was  at  St.  Mary's  when 
the  panic-stricken  Hurons  rushed  in  upon  them  in  thousands. 
He  was  one  of  those  who  rowed  away  over  the  lake  as  the 
beloved  mission-post  was  given  over  to  the  flames.  He  was 
side  by  .side  with  Ragueneau  when  pestilence  and  famine 
were  destroying  the  poor  remnants  of  the  tribe  that  had 
escaped  the  tomahawks  of  the  Iroquois^  and  when  all  was 
given  up  he  came  down  with  the  four  hundred  refugees  over 
the  thousand  miles  of  river  and  forest  to  ask  help  and  life 
for  them  at  Quebec,  and  during  the  winter  he  went  around 
from  house  to  house  to  beg  for  bread  for  his  famishing 
people.  It  was  he  who  was  chosen  by  his  superiors  to  found 
the  Huron  settlement  on  the  Isle  d'Orleans,  and  so  great 
was  his  influence  with  his  flock  and  so  wise  his  government 
that  opposite  Quebec  there  sprung  up  a  settlement  of  native 
Christians  whose  piety  recalled  all  that  had  ever  been  said 
of  the  famous  Paraguay  Reductions. 

In  1653  the  Iroquois  showed  signs  of  wishing  to  bury  the 
hatchet,  and  a  delegation  came  to  Quebec  to  ask  for  the 
establishment  of  a  mission  at  Onondaga.  Of  course,  there 
was  danger  in  accepting  the  offer;  for  the  Iroquois  were  a 
treacherous  set,  and  it  was  feared  that  the  murders  perpe- 
trated on  Lake  Huron  would  be  repeated  in  Onondaga.  It 
was  thought  worth  the  risk,  however,  and  the  one  upon 
whom  all  eyes  turned  for  this  perilous  undertaking  was 

9  129 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

Chaumonot.  It  was  a  fine  tribute  to  his  heroism  and  zeal. 
For  the  moment,  however,  it  was  impossible  to  leave  his 
heartbroken  Hurons  on  the  Isle  d'Orleans,  and  Le  Moyne 
took  his  place. 

After  Le  Moyne  had  returned  and  reported  favorably  on 
the  dispositions  of  the  Onondagas,  it  was  decided  to  send 
two  priests  to  establish  a  mission.  Chaumonot  and  Dablon 
were  selected,  and  on  October  7,  1655,  they  started  up  the 
St.  Lawrence  for  Lake  Ontario,  in  spite  of  the  news  that 
had  just  been  brought  them  by  an  escaped  captive,  that  the 
object  of  the  Indians  was  murder.  There  were  two  reasons, 
however,  why  they  felt  compelled  to  go  on.  One  was  that 
if  they  refused,  the  Onondagas  and  Mohawks  would  unite 
in  a  common  effort  against  the  French ;  the  second  was,  say 
the  Relations,  that  "  the  Fathers  of  our  Society,  who  thus 
far  have  never  paled  at  the  sight  of  their  own  blood,  or 
feared  the  fires  and  the  fury  of  the  Iroquois,  thought  they 
would  surely  baptize  some  people  before  they  themselves 
were  slain."  They  reached  Lake  Ontario  on  the  24th,  and 
on  the  29th  entered  the  Salmon  River,  where  a  score  of  cap- 
tive Hurons,  recognizing  Chaumonot,  ran  towards  him  with 
the  wildest  delight;  some  embracing  him,  others  bringing 
him  presents,  and  others  inviting  him  to  a  feast. 

We  find  on  the  present  map  of  New  York,  near  that  place, 
a  Chaumont  Bay,  and  also  a  town  of  the  same  name.  Was 
it  called  after  the  missionary,  or  is  it  the  name  of  the  stout 
Chevalier  de  Chaumont,  who  later  on  accompanied  de  Tracy 
on  his  raid  in  the  Mohawk  country?  However,  that  gallant 
soldier  never  ventured  so  far  west.  Perhaps  it  is  the  mem- 
ory of  the  old  missionary  hero  that  still  lingers. 

Reaching  Onondaga,  the  entrance  was  made  between  files 
of  Indians,  who  saluted  him  with  great  show  of  rejoicing. 
The  streets  were  all  swept,  and  on  the  roofs  of  the  cabins 
were  swarms  of  children  to  see  the  great  man.  Chaumonot 
addressed  the  assembly  in  an  impressive  speech,  and  all  won- 
dered at  his  eloquence  as  he  strutted  up  and  down  in  Indian 

130 


JOSEPH  CHAUMONOT. 

fashion,  though  Dablon  thinks  it  was  rather  Italian  than 
Indian.  While  speaking  he  bestowed  presents  lavishly  for 
all  sorts  of  sorrows  and  woes.  A  splendid  wampum  belt 
which  he  gave  on  that  occasion  is  still  among  the  treasures 
of  the  Iroquois  League  at  Onondaga. 

On  Sunday,  November  24,  he  began  his  catechetical  in- 
structions, and  in  the  little  bark  chapel  which  they  had  con- 
structed offered  the  Holy  Sacrifice.  This  place,  which  is  so 
sacred  for  Catholics,  has  been  identified  by  General  Clark 
in  Hawley's  "  Early  Chapters,"  p.  23,  as  being  about  twelve 
miles  from  the  lake,  and  two  miles  south  of  the  present  vil- 
lage of  Manlius.  The  name  given  to  the  church  was  St. 
John  the  Baptist. 

It  was  a  beautiful  country  in  those  days.  "  Our  Resi- 
dence," says  the  Relation,  "  is  situated  between  the  42d  and 
43d  degrees  on  the  shores  of  the  little  Lake  Ganentaa, 
which  would  be  one  of  the  most  commodious  and  most 
agreeable  dwelling  places  in  the  world,  without  excepting 
even  the  levee  of  the  River  Loire,  if  its  inhabitants  were  as 
polished  and  as  tractable. 

"  It  has  advantages  that  are  wanting  in  the  rest  of  Canada, 
for,  besides  grapes  and  plums  and  many  other  fruits  which 
it  has  in  common  with  the  fine  provinces  of  Europe,  it  has 
a  number  of  others  which  excel  ours  in  beauty,  fragrance 
and  taste.  The  forest  consists  almost  entirely  of  chestnut 
and  walnut  trees.  There  are  two  kinds  of  nuts;  one  as 
sweet  and  agreeable  to  the  taste  as  the  other  is  bitter,  but 
with  all  their  bitterness  an  excellent  oil  is  extracted  from 
them  by  passing  them  through  the  ashes,  through  the  mill, 
through  the  fire  and  through  water  in  the  same  way  as  the 
savages  extract  oil  from  sunflowers. 

The  nuts  here  mentioned  are,  according  to  Thwaites, 
hickory,  the  "  shell  bark  "  variety  or  the  "  pig  nut,"  which 
is  sweet,  and  the  bitternut  or  swamp  hickory.  Charveloix 
describes  the  way  the  Indians  extracted  oil  from  the  latter. 

131 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

The  oil  of  the  sunflower  was  used  not  for  food,  but  for  the 
hair. 

"  Stoneless  cherries  (cranberries)  are  found  there,  and 
fruits  which  are  the  color  and  size  of  an  apricot  with  blos- 
soms like  those  of  the  white  lily  and  with  a  taste  like  citron 
(the  May-apple).  There  are  apples  as  large  as  a  goose  egg 
(the  pawpaw) .  The  seeds  have  been  brought  from  the  coun- 
try of  the  Cats  (Eries)  and  look  like  beans;  the  fruit  is 
delicate  and  has  a  very  sweet  smell ;  the  trunk  is  of  the  thick- 
ness and  height  of  our  dwarf  trees;  it  thrives  in  swampy 
spots  and  in  good  soil.  But  the  most  common  and  most 
wonderful  plant  in  these  countries  is  what  we  call  the  uni- 
versal plant,  because  its  leaves,  when  pounded,  heal  in  a 
short  time  wounds  of  all  kinds.  These  leaves,  which  are  as 
broad  as  one's  hand,  have  the  shape  of  a  lily  as  depicted  in 
heraldry,  and  the  roots  have  the  smell  of  laurel.  The  most 
vivid  scarlet,  the  brightest  green,  the  most  beautiful  yellow 
and  orange  of  Europe  pale  before  the  various  colors  that 
our  savages  procure  from  these  roots." 

"  The  universal  plant,"  says  Thwaites,  "  has  not  yet  been 
identified,  so  far  as  known ;  though  it  would  seem  to  be  the 
common  sassafras,  which  has  always  been  prized  for  its 
medicinal  virtues,  and  was  used  by  the  natives  of  Florida 
before  the  Spanish  conquest.  Upon  its  discovery  by  white 
men  it  speedily  became  a  valued  drug  in  Europe  and  an  im- 
portant article  of  commerce  and  is  still  employed  in  domestic 
medicine  in  the  United  States.  The  sassafras  is  described 
by  Charveloix  in  Plantes  Amer.,  pp.  9,  10. 

"  I  say  nothing,"  continues  the  Relation,  "  of  trees  as  tall 
as  oaks,  whose  leaves  are  as  large  and  open  as  those  of 
cabbage,  or  of  many  other  plants  peculiar  to  the  country, 
because  as  yet  we  are  ignorant  of  their  properties.  The 
springs  are  as  numerous  as  they  are  wonderful,  and  are 
nearly  all  mineral.  Our  little  lake,  which  is  only  six  or 
seven  leagues  in  circumference,  is  almost  entirely  surrounded 
by  salt  springs.  The  water  is  used  for  salting  and  season- 

132 


JOSEPH  CHAUMONOT. 

ing  meat,  and  for  making  very  good  salt.  It  often  forms 
into  fine  crystals  with  which  nature  delights  to  surround 
these  springs.  The  salt  we  found  at  a  spring  about  two 
days  from  our  residence  towards  Cayuga  is  much  stronger 
than  that  from  the  springs  of  Ganentaa ;  for  when  the  water, 
which  looks  as  white  as  milk  and  the  smell  of  which  is  per- 
ceptible from  a  great  distance,  is  boiled,  it  leaves  a  kind  of 
salt  almost  as  corrosive  as  caustic.  The  rocks  about  that 
spring  are  covered  with  a  foam  as  thick  as  cream.  The 
spring  in  the  direction  of  the  Senecas  is  no  less  wonderful, 
for  its  water,  being  of  the  same  nature  as  the  surrounding 
soil,  has  only  to  be  washed  in  order  to  obtain  perfectly  pure 
sulphur.  It  ignites  when  shaken  violently  and  yields  sul- 
phur when  boiled.  As  you  approach  the  country  of  the 
Cats  you  find  heavy  and  thick  water  which  ignites  like 
brandy  and  boils  up  in  bubbles  of  flame  when  fire  is  applied 
to  it.  It  is,  moreover,  so  oily  that  all  our  savages  use  it 
to  anoint  and  grease  their  heads  and  bodies." 

The  first  of  these  springs  has  never  been  identified.  "  The 
burning  spring  near  the  Senecas  "  is  in  the  town  of  Bristol. 
"  The  spring  towards  the  country  of  the  Cats  "  was  prob- 
ably the  noted  oil  spring  in  the  town  of  Cuba,  Allegany 
County. 

As  narrated  in  the  sketch  of  Dablon,  the  Jesuits  received 
from  the  Governor  of  Canada  a  grant  of  land  of  ten  square 
leagues  running  eastward  from  Lake  Ganentaa.  Of  course 
as  the  French  did  not  retain  their  hold  on  New  York  this 
munificence  was  useless.  It  is  a  pity  the  gift  was  not  from 
the  Governor  of  New  York  instead  of  the  Governor  of 
Canada.  It  would  have  been  more  in  keeping  with  the  sup- 
posed wisdom  of  the  Fathers,  especially  as  the  missionary 
thought  that  "  the  temperature  of  the  atmosphere,  which 
resembles  that  of  France,  added  to  the  advantages  supplied 
by  waters  and  the  earth,  greatly  facilitated  the  conversion 
of  the  savage.  We  have  reason  to  hope,  therefore,  that 

133 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

their  capricious  and  peculiar  disposition  will  be  the  only 
obstacle  to  their  blessedness." 

Father  Le  Mercier,  the  Superior  of  Canada,  who  came 
with  the  fifty  colonists,  did  not  remain  long.  He  was  back 
again  in  Quebec  on  the  first  of  June,  1657.  He  succeeded, 
however,  in  establishing  a  chapel  in  the  town  of  Onondaga 
itself,  besides  the  one  already  built  twelve  miles  away.  Mean- 
time Chaumonot  and  his  new  associates  started  out  on  their 
expeditions,  not  only  among  the  Onondagas,  but  also  the 
Oneidas  and  Cayugas.  Many  of  the  sites  of  their  chapels 
have  been  identified  by  painstaking  topographers,  and  are 
indicated  in  the  writings  and  maps  of  General  Clark  and 
the  Rev.  Mr.  Beauchamp,  who  are  ardent  admirers  of  these 
old  missionaries.  It  was  while  this  work  was  going  on  that 
a  tragedy  occurred  near  Quebec  which  brought  to  Chau- 
monot's  arms  at  Onondaga  some  of  the  unhappy  Hurons 
whom  he  had  left  behind  him  at  Isle  d'Orleans. 

In  May,  1656,  300  Mohawks  appeared  near  Three  Rivers 
and  exchanged  presents  with  the  French.  They  said  they 
were  returning  to  their  own  country.  They  assured  Le 
Moyne  that  such  was  their  intention,  but  instead  of  doing 
so  they  stole  down  to  Quebec  and,  landing  at  Isle  d'Orleans, 
concealed  themselves  in  the  forests  and  waited  till  the  un- 
suspecting Hurons  were  at  Mass.  A  general  slaughter  was 
then  begun  and  kept  up  until  the  Hurons  surrendered,  and 
consented  to  divide  their  tribe;  one  portion  going  to  Onon- 
daga, a  second  to  the  Mohawks,  a  third  remaining  on  the 
island.  All  this  was  done  in  full  view  of  Quebec.  Those' 
who  were  dragged  to  Onondaga  had  at  least  the  happiness 
of  seeing  their  old  friend  Chaumonot.  He  had  been  forced 
to  leave  them,  and  now  Providence  had  brought  them  to  him 
in  his  own  exile.  It  is  astonishing  to  hear  that  "our  Hurons 
are  doing  well.  It  seems  to  me  that  they  manifest  much 
more  faith  and  piety  than  usual,  especially  those  who  belong 
to  the  Sodality,  who  number  eighty,  probati  omnes  testi- 
monio  fidei  et  pietatis.  They  observed  the  time  of  Advent 

134 


JOSEPH  CHAUMONOT. 

with  especial  fervor,  each  one  endeavoring  to  make  more 
solid  progress  in  virtue.  Many  who  considered  Mass  too 
short  to  satisfy  their  devotion  heard  two  every  day.  Some 
came  to  pay  homage  to  the  Blessed  Sacrament  in  the  morn- 
ing before  the  hour  of  prayer.  Others  came  at  noon  regu- 
larly, and  neither  cold  nor  bad  weather  could  hinder  their 
fervor."  This  is  an  extraordinary  scene  from  those  far-off 
days  in  the  wilds  of  Onondaga.  But  it  must  be  remembered 
that  the  Christians  here  described  were  not  Iroquois,  but 
their  Huron  prisoners. 

Nevertheless,  not  only  did  the  Huron  captives  console  the 
missionaries,  but  high  hopes  were  cherished  of  converting 
the  Iroquois.  "  It  is  difficult,"  says  the  Relation  of  1656-57, 
"  to  find  an  instance  in  which  God  has  shown  himself  more 
absolute  master  of  hearts  than  in  our  reconciliation  with  the 
Iroquois.  We  receive  as  much  kindness  and  as  many  tokens 
of  good  will  as  we  feared  to  experience  baleful  results  from 
their  cruelty.  We  dwell  and  eat  in  security  with  those  whose 
shadow  and  whose  very  name  filled  us  with  dread  a  short 
time  ago.  It  is  not  temporal  interest  which  cements  the 
friendship,  for  it  has  not  as  yet  brought  them  any  temporal 
advantage.  Never  is  there  greater  joy  or  greater  pleasure 
in  their  cabins  and  in  their  villages  than  when  they  can  have 
us  there.  They  follow  us  to  our  dwelling  and  behave  as  if 
God  made  them  find  delight  in  talking  to  us.  The  murderers 
of  the  preachers  of  the  Gospel,  those  ravenous  wolves  who 
had  vented  their  fury  on  the  fold  of  Jesus  Christ  with 
greater  rage  and  more  atrocious  torture  than  any  Nero  or 
Diocletian,  now  embrace  our  holy  religion  with  more  fervor 
than  those  whom  they  exterminated,  and  assume  the  yoke 
of  which  they  were  some  years  ago  the  oppressors.  They 
repeople  the  Church  which  their  cruelty  had  depopulated; 
they  build  in  their  own  country  more  chapels  than  they  had 
destroyed  in  that  of  their  neighbors.  More  Iroquois  have 
become  Christians  in  two  months  than  had  been  converted 
in  several  years." 

135 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

All  this  was  in  the  early  days  when  Chaumonot  first  went 
among  them.  It  may  have  been  only  a  ruse  to  ensure  the 
coming  of  the  colony,  for  we  find  the  same  missionaries 
writing  afterwards:  "  Every  day  we  feel  as  if  we  were  on 
the  point  of  being  massacred.  If  God  wishes  it,  may  His 
name  be  blessed !  "  Indications  began  to  multiply  that  the 
extermination  of  all  the  whites,  priests  and  laymen  alike, 
was  not  only  thought  of,  but  was  being  deliberately  planned. 
Month  after  month  they  waited,  hoping  against  hope,  until 
finally,  when  there  was  no  possibility  of  doubt,  arrangements 
were  secretly  made  to  escape,  and  on  the  night  of  March 
20th  all  stole  away  in  their  boats  across  the  lake,  and  after 
incredible  hardships  reached  Montreal.  Chaumonot  never 
saw  New  York  again,  although  the  mission  in  Onondaga 
was  reinaugurated  a  few  years  later. 

He  returned  to  Quebec,  and  for  the  next  thirty-five  years 
was  entrusted  with  the  care  of  the  Huron  colony.  His  old 
affection  for  Loretto,  which  he  visited  when  a  ragged  boy 
in  Italy,  asserted  itself  again  on  his  return  to  Canada.  When 
with  his  Indians  on  the  Isle  d'Orleans,  before  he  went  down 
to  Onondaga,  he  was  already  laying  the  foundations  of  his 
famous  sanctuary  by  uniting  it  with  all  the  great  shrines  of 
the  Blessed  Virgin  in  Europe.  Thus  he  sent  to  the  Sodality 
of  Paris  what  to  the  white  man  must  have  been  a  surprising 
gift :  a  wampum  belt  and  a  letter  of  congratulation  written 
on  birch  bark.  The  belt,  which  was  to  be  offered  to  the 
Blessed  Virgin,  contained  the  inscription  Ave  Maria  worked 
out  in  white  and  purple  beads  on  a  white  background.  The 
letter  conveyed  the  information  that  "  we  have  nothing 
more  precious  in  our  hands  or  holy  in  our  hearts  to  be  pre- 
sented to  you." 

From  the  Isle  d'Orleans  the  Hurons  migrated  in  1668 
to  what  is  now  Beauport,  but  lingered  there  only  from 
spring  till  autumn.  They  then  shifted  to  a  place  above 
Quebec,  near  Sillery,  and  which  is  now  known  as  Ste.  Foy. 
The  Abbe  Scott  in  his  interesting  History  of  Ste.  Foy  is 

136 


JOSEPH  CHAUMONOT. 

careful  to  warn  us  not  to  imagine  that  it  was  a  wild  district 
when  they  arrived.  Concessions  of  land  had  been  granted 
to  many  colonists ;  clearings  had  been  made,  and  the  Chemin 
Ste.  Foy  was  opened  to  Quebec.  But  they  left  that  place 
and  shifted  their  quarters  again  to  a  place  three  miles  from 
Quebec.  There  Chaumonot  determined  to  build  his  Lorette, 
modelled  after  the  old  shrine  of  Italy.  The  shape  of  the 
building  was  copied  with  the  greatest  exactness;  even  the 
stones,  says  Pere  Bouvart,  were  of  the  same  material, 
which  is  contradicted  by  Abbe  Lindsay  in  his  exquisite  story 
of  Jeune  Lorette.  Brick  was  employed,  not  stone.  In  fact, 
Chaumonot  himself,  in  his  Autobiography,  says  brick. 

From  this  shrine  other  wampum  belts  were  sent  abroad ; 
first  to  Notre  Dame  at  Dinant,  from  which  the  statue  of 
Notre  Dame  de  Ste.  Foy,  which  was  such  a  favorite  in  the 
missions  of  New  York,  had  been  sent.  The  accompanying 
letter  of  the  Indians,  however,  was  not  on  birch  bark  but 
on  parchment,  which  robbed  the  missive  of  some  of  its  local 
color.  But  the  Belgians  did  not  mind  that,  and  it  will  come 
as  a  surprise  to  our  modern  coldness  and  lack  of  enthusiasm 
to  hear  how  the  people  of  Dinant  received  the  treasure: 
"  Barons  under  arms,  and  the  clergy  in  their  sacred  vest- 
ments, and  five  hundred  students  on  horseback — the  cavalry 
of  the  Jesuit  college — and  a  countless  host  of  people  cover- 
ing a  vast  expanse  of  territory,  all  accompanied  the  tri- 
umphal car  on  which  was  placed  the  wonderful  collar;  and 
while  cannons  roared  their  welcome  to  it  the  great  pro- 
cession wended  its  way  to  the  church  and,  amid  the  blare  of 
trumpets  and  the  beating  of  drums,  solemn  Mass  was  cele- 
brated and  the  gift  was  suspended  at  the  shrine."  Of  course 
presents  were  sent  back  to  the  Indians,  and  they  were  noth- 
ing less  than  the  beautiful  robes  which  had  adorned  the 
statue  of  Dinant  and  were  to  be  used  in  the  American 
Lorette. 

Another  belt  was  sent  to  Loretto  in  Italy,  and  the  French 
Penitentiary  there  had  it  put  in  a  gilded  frame  and  the 

137 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

canons  and  other  dignitaries  received  it  with  great  marks 
of  respect.  In  1819,  Mgr.  Plessis,  the  Bishop  of  Quebec, 
saw  it  there,  and  wrote  to  his  diocese  about  it.  Chartres 
also  received  its  present,  and  it  can  be  seen  there  to-day 
along  with  a  similar  ex  voto  from  the  Abenakis.  Bishop 
Bourget  relates  how  the  sight  of  those  precious  offerings 
filled  him  with  emotion  when  he  saw  them  in  1841.  The 
documents  accompanying  these  gifts  are  of  especial  value 
as  they  are  the  only  known  examples  of  the  Huron  and 
Abenakis  dialects  of  the  eighteenth  century.  The 
return  letter  of  the  Chapter  of  Chartres  has  recently  been 
found  in  the  archives  of  Jeune  Lorette.  The  famous  reli- 
quary representing  the  tunic  of  the  Blessed  Virgin,  of  which 
the  Indians  are  so  proud,  was  sent  to  America  on  that  occa- 
sion. Finally  the  Sodalists  of  Saumur  received  their  wam- 
pum. There  were  probably  others,  but  we  have  no  record 
of  them. 

In  spite  of  all  that  was  done  for  them  in  that  place  the 
restless  Hurons  tired  of  it.  Perhaps  it  was  too  far  from 
the  water,  and  so  in  1697  they  started  off  to  establish  a  new 
settlement  on  the  St.  Charles,  which  was  then  and  is  yet 
called  La  Jeune  Lorette.  Such  is  the  common  persuasion, 
but  the  fact  is  that  the  Bishop  of  Quebec,  St.  Vallier,  laid 
hands  on  it  and  turned  it  into  a  parish  church.  There  were 
violent  reclamations  against  the  act.  They  are  to  be  found 
in  Rochemonteix.  No  doubt  that  was  the  reason  why  the 
Indians  strove  to  take  everything  with  them  and  would  have 
carried  off  the  walls  if  they  had  been  permitted.  By  that 
time  Chaumonot  was  dead.  In  fact  he  had  lived  a  little  too 
long,  as  Superior  of  Ancienne  Lorette,  and  the  Indians  were 
getting  beyond  his  control. 

In  his  very  touching  and  affectionate  story  of  Jeune 
Lorette,  the  Abbe  Lindsay,  who  was  born  there  and  grew 
up  with  Indian  playmates,  says  that  "  Fenimore  Cooper's 
romance  of  the  Last  of  the  Mohegans  might  be  applied  to 
Jeune  Lorette.  It  represents  the  last  of  the  Hurons.  It  is 

138 


JOSEPH  CHAUMONOT. 

all  that  remains  of  a  once  glorious  and  powerful  people,  and 
is  the  more  to  be  regretted,  as  the  Hurons  gave  to  the  infant 
Church  of  Canada  examples  of  piety  and  virtue  worthy  of 
the  times  of  the  Apostles.  Even  its  language  is  dead,  and 
with  the  exception  of  a  few  canticles  preserved  from  old 
missionary  times,  or  of  some  glossaries  jealously  guarded 
in  the  archives  of  our  legislatures  or  religious  communities, 
or  the  battle  names  of  the  chiefs  which  are  proudly  pro- 
claimed on  some  national  festival  but  whose  owners  have 
long  since  been  absorbed  in  the  life-current  of  the  whites, 
there  is  nothing  left  of  the  sonorous  idioms  which  were  once 
heard  in  the  councils  of  war  or  the  songs  of  triumph. 

"  What  has  lasted  in  Lorette  is  the  Catholic  faith,  which 
was  purchased  for  them  by  the  blood  of  Brebeuf,  Lalemant, 
Garnier,  and  Daniel,  and  which  they  were  anxious  to  pre- 
serve when  they  asked  to  be  taken  to  Quebec.  '  Let  us  go 
there,'  they  said,  '  lest  we  lose  our  faith.'  The  mission 
chapel  is  still  there ;  its  steeple  pointing  to  heaven  still  shows 
the  road  to  the  children  of  the  forest ;  its  bell  still  summons 
to  prayer  the  last  descendants  of  a  people  which  soon  will 
be  no  more.  Near  the  church  is  God's  Acre,  still  dear  as 
of  old.  The  Huron  has  lost  nothing  of  his  care  of  the  dead, 
but  the  arrows  and  the  bows  which  the  hunter  was  to  use 
in  the  land  beyond  are  replaced  by  the  cross  which  promises 
resurrection.  Even  the  St.  Charles,  the  Cabir-Coubat,  or 
'  the  winding  river,'  as  they  called  it,  though  it  delights  and 
fertilizes  many  a  valley  in  its  course,  is  now  used  to  slake 
the  thirst  of  the  invaders  or  to  drive  their  mighty  machinery 
by  curbing  the  rush  of  the  waters  while  the  once  powerful 
nation  is  dying  on  its  banks." 

Frontenac  used  to  come  to  pray  at  Lorette,  but  he  was 
for  a  time  under  the  impression  that  the  conversion  of  the 
Indian  diminished  his  prowess  as  a  warrior.  The  long  list 
of  warlike  expeditions  in  which  the  Lorette  Indians  took 
part,  which  Abbe  Lindsay  furnishes  us  with,  dispels  that 
illusion.  They  were  splendid  fighters,  but  so  well  behaved 

139 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

that  they  were  known  as  "  the  holy  Indians."  "  I  congratu- 
late you,  indeed,"  said  Father  Vaillant  to  Davagour;  "you 
have  as  many  saints  as  Hurons  at  Lorette."  Douglas,  in 
his  Old  Quebec,  finds  that  "  to  this  day  the  Lorette  Indians 
reflect  credit  on  their  teachers.  The  work  of  the  Jesuit 
Fathers  still  bears  its  fruit,  and  whoever  knows  the  Lorette 
Indian  and  has  hunted  with  him  can  excuse  the  vein  of 
exaggeration  in  which  the  Jesuits  record  the  many  virtues 
of  their  converts." 

These  were  Chaumonot's  Indians.  He  had  placed  them 
especially  under  the  Blessed  Virgin's  protection  and  she  took 
care  of  them.  It  was  the  same  devotion  to  the  Mother  of 
God  which  prompted  him  to  found  the  Congregation  of  the 
Holy  Family,  which  is  still  a  potent  factor  in  Canadian  re- 
ligious life.  It  gave  great  trouble  in  Frontenac's  days  by 
the  refusal  of  its  austere  members  to  attend  the  state  balls, 
which  were  considered  too  worldly  an  amusement — a  reso- 
lution which  Frontenac  resented.  The  old  missionary  had 
established  the  congregation  even  among  the  Onondagas,  so 
that  it  has  the  distinction  of  being  New  York's  first  sodality. 

In  spite  of  their  hardships  and  exposure,  or  perhaps  on 
that  account,  these  old  pioneers  generally  lived  to  a  great 
age  if  they  escaped  the  tomahawk.  "  Le  pauvre  Hcchon," 
"  the  man  who  drags  the  load,"  as  Chaumonot  called  him- 
self, gave  up  his  work  in  1692,  and  after  lingering  for  a 
year  went  to  heaven  February  21,  1693.  He  had  been  a 
missionary  since  1639,  that  is  for  more  than  half  a  century. 


140 


PAUL  RAGUENEAU,  S.J. 


PAUL  RAGUENEAU. 

THERE  is  a  very  distinguished  missionary  who  labored 
for  a  time  in  New  York,  but  who  is  almost  lost  sight 
of  in  the  throng :  Paul  Ragueneau.  It  was  he  who,  in  1658, 
directed  the  daring  escape  from  Onondaga,  which  averted 
the  massacre  of  every  white  man  in  the  Iroquois  territory. 
His  journey  thither,  a  year  after  Dablon  had  sailed  with  his 
fifty  colonists  over  Lake  Onondaga,  though  not  as  romantic, 
has  elements  of  tragedy  in  it  which  the  other  was  not  called 
upon  to  face. 

The  brief  letter  which  contains  the  account  of  his  first 
journey  to  New  York  is  dated :  "  On  the  road  from  Quebec 
to  Onondaga,  August  9,  1657."  At  what  particular  point 
in  the  woods,  or  on  the  shore  of  the  St.  Lawrence  on  this 
"  road "  to  Onondaga,  he  indited  the  epistle,  which  he 
thought  would  be  his  last,  we  have  no  means  of  determining. 

With  fifteen  or  sixteen  Senecas,  thirty  Onondagas,  and 
about  fifty  Christian  Hurons,  men,  women  and  children,  he 
started  upon  what  proved  to  be  a  bloody  pilgrimage.  From 
the  first  there  was  evidently  trouble  ahead,  for  the  Onon- 
dagas were  surly  and  protested  against  taking  the  French- 
men and  their  baggage  into  the  canoes.  Indeed,  although 
they  yielded  at  first,  much  of  the  freight  was  flung  over- 
board five  leagues  above  Montreal.  "  I  had  difficulty  in 
getting  anyone  to  take  me,"  says  Ragueneau,  "  but  at  length 
I  discovered  an  abandoned  canoe  on  the  beach  which  Brother 
Louis  le  Boesme  and  myself  took  possession  of.  With  us 
were  two  Frenchmen  and  two  Indians,  the  latter  not  being 
very  willing  to  go."  One  of  these  Frenchmen  was  the  famous 
Radisson,  whom  we  met  at  Fort  Orange  when  Father  Pon- 
cet  was  there. — "  I  had  no  provisions  but  a  small  sack  of 
flour;  and  moreover,  menaces  of  danger  multiplied  as  we 
went  on.  Everywhere  we  met  with  stranded  Frenchmen,  and 

141 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

saw  discarded  goods  in  the  stream  or  on  the  shore.  What 
Indians  we  met  received  us  sullenly,  and  we  heard  that  the 
Mohawks  were  waiting  up  near  Lake  Ontario,  to  capture 
the  Hurons.  But,  alas !  the  misfortunes  of  the  Hurons  were 
not  to  come  from  the  Mohawks,  but  from  the  Onondagas, 
who  had,  however,  been  so  profuse  in  their  promises  of  pro- 
tection. 

"  On  the  3d  of  August,  between  four  and  five  in  the  even- 
ing, we  reached  an  island  which  had  been  designated  as  a 
stopping  place.  We  found  the  Indians  in  a  state  of  wild 
excitement.  The  reason  was  that  an  Onondaga  chief  had 
crept  up  behind  a  Huron  woman  and  buried  his  tomahawk 
in  her  skull,  because  she  had  rejected  his  advances."  Where 
that  island  is  which  this  martyr  of  chastity  dyed  with  her 
blood  we  do  not  know,  nor  did  the  Father  recall  her  name. 
He  was  too  much  startled  by  the  storm  which  had  thus  sud- 
denly burst  upon  him,  "  out  of  which,"  he  says,  "  the  light- 
ning bolt  almost  immediately  fell.  A  general  butchery  of 
the  Hurons  began.  My  eyes  were  compelled  to  gaze  on  that 
spectacle  of  horror,  and  my  heart  was  pierced  with  agony 
as  I  saw  them  murdered  before  the  eyes  of  their  wives  and 
children.  Some  of  them  were  stabbed  or  tomahawked  in 
my  very  arms  and  on  my  breast  as  I  tried  to  shield  them. 
Seven  were  killed  outright  and  of  the  women,  who  were  first 
robbed  of  all  they  had,  I  saw  some  with  children  of  three 
or  four  years  of  age  burned  at  the  stake.  I  found  then  what 
consolation  faith  brings  in  the  bitterest  sorrows.  There  was 
not  one  of  these  poor  creatures  who  did  not  receive  with 
affection  the  advice  I  gave,  as  I  reminded  them  that  Christ 
did  not  promise  joy  in  this  life  but  in  eternity. 

"  When  night  came  on,  I  assembled  the  Onondagas  ana 
Senecas  in  a  public  council  to  speak  to  them  about  what  had 
happened.  I  told  them  that  the  blows  that  had  fallen  on 
the  heads  of  the  Hurons  had  rent  my  heart.  I  had  the  heart 
of  a  father  and  the  tenderness  of  a  mother  for  these  poor 
Christian  Hurons,  whom  I  had  under  my  charge  for  twenty 

142 


PAUL  RAGUENEAU. 

years.  I  loved  them  and  they  loved  me ;  and  that  love  could 
end  only  with  death.  Kill  me,  burn  me,  and  let  them  live, 
if  by  my  death  I  can  bring  them  back  to  life ;  but  since  such 
wishes  are  in  vain,  I  have  these  words  to  carry  to  you.  The 
'  words  '  were,  (1st)  to  stop  the  slaughter;  (2d)  to  be  merci- 
ful to  the  captives ;  (3d)  to  continue  the  journey  as  if  nothing 
had  happened.  I  used  for  this  6,000  porcelain  beads.  But 
the  treacherous  chief  had  the  effrontery  to  declare  that 
Father  Le  Mercier  and  Father  Chaumonot  had  told  him  to 
do  the  deed.  I  replied  in  a  loud  voice  that  he  lied,  and  he 
had  nothing  to  answer  except  that  I  did  not  know  all  that 
he  knew.  Word  came  to  us  that  on  that  very  night  our 
deaths  would  end  the  tragedy.  But  we  were  spared.  In 
due  time  we  reached  Onondaga." 

There,  as  Superior,  he  directed  Dablon,  Chaumonot 
and  Menard  in  their  labors  among  the  Oneidas,  Cay- 
ugas  and  Senecas,  but  his  practised  eye  soon  took  in 
the  whole  situation.  He  received  secret  information  that  a 
general  massacre  was  planned ;  that  Le  Moyne,  down  among 
the  Mohawks,  was  to  be  released,  and  when  the  Indians  in 
Quebec  were  exchanged  for  him,  the  fifty  or  sixty  French- 
men who  were,  so  to  speak,  shut  up  in  the  heart  of  the  coun- 
try from  which  there  was  no  escape,  were  to  be  butchered. 
Indications  of  this  plot  thickened  during  the  autumn  months, 
and  as  early  as  January  the  Indians  threw  off  the  mask. 
War  parties  were  sent  in  all  directions.  There  was  no  time 
to  lose. 

The  situation  was  discussed  with  Dupuis,  the  Command- 
ant. Should  they  attempt  to  escape?  The  officer  had  no 
choice  left,  for  nine  out  of  his  ten  soldiers  had  already  de- 
termined to  desert.  Consequently  the  missionaries  in  the 
out  stations  were  called  in  gradually,  and  on  March  20th, 
in  the  darkness  of  the  night,  the  entire  colony  stole  out  in 
their  boats  across  the  lake  to  the  ice-choked  river,  trusting 
to  their  own  instinct  to  find  the  course,  for  no  Indian  could 
be  trusted.  They  cut  their  way  through  the  ice  and  reached 

143 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

Lake  Ontario.  Tossed  for  a  time  on  the  billows  of  Lake 
Ontario,  and  then  flung  over  the  rapids  of  the  St.  Lawrence, 
they  finally,  after  a  month's  terrible  battle  with  the  elements 
and  with  starvation,  reached  Quebec  on  April  23,  seeming 
to  all  the  settlement,  as  they  passed,  like  ghosts  from  the 
other  world.  We  give  an  extract  of  Ragueneau's  account 
of  the  escape: 

"  The  resolution  was  taken  to  quit  the  country  forthwith, 
even  though  the  difficulties  seemed  insurmountable.  To  sup- 
ply the  want  of  canoes  we  built  in  secret  two  boats  of  a  novel 
structure  to  pass  the  rapids.  They  were  flat  bottomed  and 
could  carry  considerable  freight,  with  fourteen  or  fifteen  men 
on  each.  We  had  besides  four  Algonquin  and  four  Iroquois 
canoes.  The  difficulty  was  to  build  and  launch  them  with- 
out being  detected,  for  without  secrecy  we  could  only  expect 
a  general  massacre. 

"  After  succeeding  in  finishing  the  boats  we  invited  all 
the  savages  in  our  neighborhood  to  a  solemn  banquet,  and 
spared  neither  the  noise  of  drums  nor  instruments  of  music 
to  deceive  them  as  to  our  purpose.  At  the  feast  everyone 
vied  with  each  other  in  uttering  the  most  piercing  cries,  now 
of  revelry,  now  of  war.  The  savages  sung  and  danced  in 
French  fashion,  and  the  French  after  the  manner  of  the  In- 
dians. Presents  were  given  and  the  greatest  tumult  was 
kept  up,  to  cover  the  noise  of  forty  of  our  people  outside 
who  were  launching  the  boats.  The  feast  was  concluded, 
the  guests  retired  and  were  soon  overpowered  by  sleep,  and 
we  slipped  out  by  the  back  way  to  the  boats. 

"  The  little  lake  on  which  we  sailed  in  the  darkness  of  the 
night  froze  as  we  advanced.  God,  however,  delivered  us, 
and  after  having  advanced  all  night  and  all  the  following 
day  we  arrived  in  the  evening  at  Lake  Ontario.  The  first 
day  was  the  most  dangerous.  Ten  or  twelve  Iroquois  could 
have  intercepted  us,  for  the  river  was  narrow,  and  ten 
leagues  down  the  stream  it  leaped  over  a  frightful  precipice. 
It  took  us  four  hours  to  carry  our  boats  around  it  through  a 

144 


PAUL  RAGUENEAU. 

dense  and  unknown  forest.  The  perils  in  which  we  walked 
made  us  shudder  after  we  escaped  them.  We  had  no  bed 
at  night  but  the  snow,  after  having  passed  entire  days  in  icy 
water. 

"  Ten  days  after  our  departure  we  reached  the  St.  Law- 
rence, but  it  was  frozen,  and  we  had  to  cut  a  channel  through 
the  ice.  Two  days  after,  our  little  fleet  nearly  foundered 
in  the  rapids.  We  were  in  the  Long  Sault  without  knowing 
it;  we  found  ourselves  in  the  midst  of  breakers,  with  rocks 
on  all  sides  against  which  the  mountains  of  water  flung  us 
at  every  stroke  of  our  paddles.  The  cries  of  our  people, 
mingling  with  the  roar  of  the  waters,  added  to  the  horror 
of  the  scene.  One  of  our  canoes  was  engulfed  in  the 
breakers  and  barred  the  passage  through  which  we  all  had 
to  pass.  Three  Frenchmen  were  drowned  there;  a  fourth 
fortunately  saved  himself  by  clinging  to  the  canoe.  He  was 
picked  up  at  the  foot  of  the  Sault  just  as  his  strength  was 
giving  out  and  he  .was  letting  go  his  hold.  On  the  3d  of 
April  we  landed  at  Montreal  at  the  beginning  of  the  night." 

They  found  out  afterwards  what  had  occurred  at  Onon- 
daga  after  their  flight.  When  night  had  given  place  to  day, 
and  darkness  to  light,  the  barbarians  awoke  from  sleep,  and 
leaving  their  cabins  roved  around  our  well  locked  house. 
They  were  astonished  at  the  profound  silence  that  reigned 
there.  They  saw  no  one  going  in  or  out.  They  heard  no 
voice.  They  thought  at  first  that  all  were  at  prayer,  or  in 
council,  but  the  day  advancing  and  the  prayers  not  coming 
to  an  end  they  knocked  at  the  door.  The  dogs,  which  we 
had  designedly  left  behind,  answered  by  barkfng."  Radis- 
son's  account  adds  that  they  had  attached  a  bell-rope  to  the 
leg  of  a  pig  that  was  left  behind,  so  that  every  time  the 
animal  moved,  the  pealing  of  the  bell  was  heard.  The 
Indians,  of  course,  thought  that  some  exercise  or  other  was 
going  on  inside  the  establishment.  This  is  omitted  by 
Ragueneau.  "  The  cock's  crow  which  they  heard  in  the 
morning,"  says  Ragueneau,  "  and  the  noise  of  the  dogs, 
10  145 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

made  them  think  that  the  masters  were  not  far  off,  and  they 
recovered  the  patience  which  they  had  lost.  But  at  length 
the  sun  began  to  go  down,  and  no  person  answering 
either  to  the  voice  of  men  or  the  cries  of  the  dogs,  they 
scaled  the  house  to  see  the  condition  of  our  men  in  this 
terrible  silence.  Astonishment  now  gave  place  to  fright. 
They  opened  the  door ;  the  chiefs  enter,  descend  to  the  cellar 
and  mount  to  the  garret.  Not  a  Frenchman  made  his  ap- 
pearance, dead  or  alive.  They  thought  they  had  to  do  with 
devils.  They  saw  no  boats;  but  never  imagined  we  could 
have  been  so  foolhardy  as  to  face  the  rapids  and  run  the 
horrible  dangers  in  which  they  themselves,  who  are  so  ex- 
pert in  shooting  the  cascades,  often  lose  their  lives.  They 
were  convinced  that  we  had  walked  on  the  waves,  or  fled 
through  the  air.  Perhaps,  it  was  suggested,  we  were  hiding 
in  the  woods.  A  search  was  made  but  no  one  was  found. 
They  then  fancied  we  had  made  ourselves  invisible,  and  just 
as  we  had  so  suddenly  disappeared,  we  would  just  as  sud- 
denly pounce  upon  their  village  and  destroy  it." 

Radisson  in  his  Travels  has  also  described  this  famous 
escape.  But  he  dwells  mostly  on  the  occurrences  at  the  feast, 
where  the  Indians  gorged  themselves  into  a  stupor.  He  in- 
forms us  that  the  proposition  was  made  to  the  priest  to  let 
the  fugitives  massacre  the  Indians  who  were  now  helpless  in 
sleep  on  account  of  their  gluttony.  Of  course  Ragueneau 
forbade  any  such  gruesome  reprisal. 

The  exodus  took  place  on  March  21,  1658.  It  was  the 
end  of  the  first  attempt  to  plant  the  Church  in  New  York. 
The  mission  had  lasted  only  two  years,  but  it  was  not  alto- 
gether a  failure.  During  that  time  the  missionaries  had 
baptized  500  children,  who  died  snortly  after ;  they  had  con- 
verted 400  victims  who  were  burned  at  the  stake ;  had  min- 
istered to  a  great  number  of  Christian  captives;  and  had 
sown  the  seeds  of  the  faith  in  the  minds  of  many  of  the  far 
Western  Indians  who  had  come  down  to  Onondaga. 

We  have  anticipated  events  in  the  life  of  Ragueneau,  and 

146 


PAUL  RAGUENEAU. 

the  question  naturally  suggests  itself:  Who  was  this  won- 
derful man  that  appears  as  the  guiding  spirit  in  that  ever 
memorable  retreat  from  Onondaga?  He  was  one  of  the 
heroes  of  the  Northwest,  and  had  already  displayed  his  con- 
summate ability  in  dealing  with  disaster  by  leading  ten 
times  as  many  fugitives  to  a  place  of  safety  over  a  territory 
much  more  dangerous  and  extensive  than  that  which  lies 
between  Syracuse  and  Quebec.  He  was  born  in  Paris  in 
1605,  and  had  distinguished  himself  as  the  professor  of  the 
Great  Conde,  establishing  an  affection  with  his  illustrious 
pupil  which  lasted  through  life.  He  came  to  Canada  when 
he  was  thirty-one  years  of  age. 

Preceding  him  by  a  few  years,  Brebeuf  and  some  others 
had  set  sail  with  Champlain,  who  had  come  out  to  take  pos- 
session of  the  colony  from  which  he  had  been  driven  four 
years  previously.  Landing  at  Quebec,  they  were  met  by 
140  canoes  which  carried  700  Hurons,  who  had  come  down 
to  ask  for  missionaries.  Brebeuf  was  chosen  for  the  work, 
and  in  the  following  year  he,  Davost  and  Daniel  were  in 
the  far-off  wilderness  of  Huronia,  almost  discouraged  at 
first  by  the  brutal  treatment  to  which  they  were  subjected 
and  the  hardships  they  were  compelled  to  endure.  On  their 
way  they  had  become  separated  from  each  other.  Davost 
was  robbed  and  abandoned  on  a  desert  island;  Daniel  was 
beaten  by  his  guides  and  left  to  find  his  way  alone  to  some 
Indian  camp,  while  Brebeuf  reached  the  shores  of  what  is 
now  Thunder  Bay,  whither  he  had  gone  in  search  of  a  vil- 
lage, where  he  had  been  four  years  before.  But  he  found 
it  deserted,  and  he  then  struggled  on  through  the  woods  to 
Ihonatiria,  which  was  on  the  Eastern  shore  of  Penatan- 
guishene  Bay,  some  miles  further  on. 

There  Brebeuf  began  his  work,  and  about  six  kilometres 
from  that  point,  on  a  little  promontory  which  juts  out  on 
the  west  coast  of  the  Huron  peninsula,  fringed  all  around 
with  sombre  pine  forests,  the  mission  of  Ossossane  was 
established.  This  was  Ragueneau's  place  of  work  a  few 

147 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

years  later.  With  him  was  Gamier,  the  future  martyr,  and 
from  thence  both  of  them  travelled  south  in  search  of  In- 
dians ;  going  as  far  as  Niagara,  which  Ragueneau  speaks  of 
as  "  a  cataract  falling  from  a  frightful  height."  That  was 
fully  thirty-five  years  before  Hennepin,  the  alleged  discov- 
erer of  the  falls,  had  described  them  in  detail. 

Those  who  are  familiar  with  the  story  of  the  Huron 
missions  know  the  awful  experiences  of  those  early  years; 
how,  to  add  to  the  sorrows  of  the  missionaries,  a  destructive 
pestilence  swept  over  Ihonatiria  and  the  adjacent  villages; 
how  the  medicine  men  had  resorted  to  all  sorts  of  incanta- 
tions to  put  an  end  to  the  plague ;  how  hideous  and  obscene 
dances,  in  which  the  plague-stricken  took  part  to  charm 
away  the  evil,  turned  the  villages  into  what  seemed  almost 
like  abodes  of  the  damned;  and  how,  when  the  conjurers 
failed,  they  turned  upon  the  missionaries  and  accused  them  of 
being  sorcerers  whose  more  potent  spells  made  the  native 
medicine  useless.  Defying  danger,  Brebeuf  and  his  com- 
panions walked  into  the  wigwam  where  a  council  was  being 
held  to  deliberate  on  their  death.  To  awe  the  savages  they 
sat  down  next  to  the  most  bloodthirsty  among  them.  "  Show 
us  the  cloth  that  produces  the  malady,"  cried  the  savages. 
"  I  have  none,"  answered  Brebeuf.  "  It  is  your  sins  that 
have  brought  this  curse  upon  you,"  and  amid  their  howls 
and  execrations  he  strove  to  give  them  some  idea  of  Chris- 
tianity. It  was  all  useless,  and  as  he  was  going  back  in  the 
dark  to  his  own  cabin,  a  huge  Indian  fell  dead  at  his  feet; 
a  tomahawk  had  cloven  his  skull.  "Was  that  for  me?" 
he  coolly  asked  of  the  murderer.  "  No,"  was  the  answer, 
"  you  can  go." 

Then  came  a  meeting  of  all  the  Indians  of  the  district  at 
the  place  where  Ragueneau  was  stationed.  It  was  to  discuss 
again  the  death  of  the  missionaries,  though  ostensibly  for 
some  other  object.  Brebeuf  had  come  to  Ossossane,  and  in 
Ragueneau's  bark  cabin  the  little  group  of  heroes  knelt  and 
prayed.  Their  time  had  apparently  come,  and  they  wrote 

148 


PAUL  RAGUENEAU. 

what  they  thought  was  their  last  message  to  their  friends. 
It  was  signed  by  each  and  placed  in  the  hands  of  a  trusty 
Indian,  who  carried  it  to  Quebec.  It  was  dated  the  28th  of 
October,  1637,  and  runs  thus: 

"  We  are  perhaps  on  the  point  of  shedding  our  blood  and 
offering  the  sacrifice  of  our  lives  for  our  good  Master,  Jesus 
Christ.  It  is  a  singular  favor  which  His  goodness  confers 
upon  us  to  make  us  endure  something  for  His  love.  May 
He  be  blessed  for  evermore  for  having  chosen  us  among  so 
many  thousands  of  others  to  come  to  this  country  to  help 
Him  to  carry  His  cross.  May  His  holy  will  be  done  in  all 
things!  If  He  wishes  us  to  die  now, 'what  a  happiness  it  is 
for  us !  If  He  reserves  us  for  other  trials,  may  He  be  like- 
wise blest !  If  you  hear  that  He  has  crowned  our  little  labor 
here,  or  rather  our  desires,  bless  Him ;  for  we  desire  to  die 
for  Him,  and  it  is  He  who  gave  us  the  grace  to  do  so." 

"  This  superb  monument  of  courage  and  love,"  as  Roche- 
monteix  calls  it, -"has  affixed  to  it  the  names  of  Jean  de 
Brebeuf,  Frangois  Le  Mercier,  Pierre  Chastelain,  Charles 
Gamier,  and  Paul  Ragueneau.  A  postscript  added  that 
Father  Pierre  Pijart  and  Isaac  Jogues  in  the  residence  of 
St.  Joseph  were  in  the  same  sentiments." 

So  convinced  were  they  all  of  their  approaching  murder, 
that  after  the  fashion  of  the  Indians,  they  invited  the 
sachems  and  braves  to  the  farewell  banquet ;  the  banquet  of 
death.  The  savages  came  in  throngs,  curious  to  see  how 
these  European  sorcerers  would  face  their  doom.  In  the 
middle  of  the  repast  Brebeuf  rose  amid  the  group  of  the 
Fathers  who  were  there  with  him,  and  began  to  speak.  He 
did  not  extol  his  own  courage,  as  was  usual  on  such  occa- 
sions, but  explained  to  his  hearers  the  perfections  of  the 
Great  Spirit.  The  Indians  listened  in  gloomy  silence.  They 
uttered  not  a  word  of  approbation;  nor  gave  any  sign  of 
relenting,  and  when  the  banquet  was  over  they  withdrew, 
cold  and  evidently  unimpressed. 

To  all  appearances  the  storm  had  not  spent  itself.  But 

149 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

the  victims  began  a  novena  of  Masses  in  honor  of  St.  Joseph, 
the  patron  of  the  mission,  and  before  it  was  over  they  were 
aware  that  the  danger  had  passed  for  the  moment.  The 
great  disaster  came  twelve  years  later. 

When  Jogues  was  being  tortured  and  killed  in  New  York, 
in  1646,  Ragueneau  was  Superior  of  the  Huron  Missions, 
and  lived  at  St.  Mary's  on  the  Wye.  The  mission  at  that 
time  counted  eighteen  priests,  two  of  whom  were  with 
Ragueneau  at  St.  Mary's.  Father  Daniel  was  at  St. 
Joseph's ;  Brebeuf  and  Lalemant  at  St.  Louis  and  St.  Ignace, 
neither  of  which  was  far  away ;  and  to  the  south,  among  the 
Tobacco  Indians,  Gamier  and  Chabanel  were  at  work.  The 
rest  were  scattered  in  different  places  not  necessary  now  to 
mention.  As  a  Superior,  Ragueneau  seems  to  have  been 
ideal.  "  We  have  excellent  and  capable  laborers  here," 
wrote  Brebeuf  to  Father-General,  "but  they  are  very  inferior 
to  Father  Ragueneau,  especially  in  matter  of  government." 
The  work  of  conversion  of  the  Indians  was  also  satisfactory, 
for  Ragueneau  wrote :  "  I  never  thought  that  fifty  years  of 
work  would  have  achieved  what  I  have  seen  of  piety,  devo- 
tion and  sanctity  among  the  Indians."  Father  Jogues'  blood 
in  far-off  New  York  was  beginning  to  produce  its  fruit. 
These  were  his  Indians  of  St.  Mary's  who  were  being  con- 
verted. 

Such  was  the  happy  condition  in  which  they  dwelt  for 
two  years,  when  on  July  4,  1648,  Daniel,  who  was  at  St. 
Joseph's,  was  startled  at  sunrise  by  the  cry  "  To  arms." 
The  Iroquois  were  upon  them,  and  the  Hurons,  who  had 
been  in  the  chapel  praying,  were  already  in  mad  flight, 
though  some  stood  their  ground,  and  made  a  fight  at  the 
palisades.  While  the  battle  was  going  on,  Daniel  hurried 
from  cabin  to  cabin  to  absolve  the  dying,  and  to  baptize  the 
catechumens.  Returning  to  the  chapel  where  the  old  men 
and  women  and  children  were  gathered,  he  gave  them  a  gen- 
eral absolution,  and  by  aspersion  baptized  those  who  asked 
for  it. 

150 


PAUL  RAGUENEAU. 

Outside,  the  yells  of  the  Iroquois  were  rising  higher.  The 
assailants  had  scaled  the  palisades,  and  set  fire  to  the  cabins, 
and  were  already  engaged  in  massacring  every  one  they  met. 
"  Hurry  in  that  direction,"  said  Daniel  to  the  panic-stricken 
people  in  the  chapel,  "  the  way  is  still  open,"  while  he  went 
back  in  spite  of  their  entreaties.  He  faced  the  oncoming 
Iroquois,  who,  astonished  at  his  audacity,  halted  for  an  in- 
stant, and  then  poured  on  him  a  shower  of  arrows,  ending 
their  work  by  a  shot  from  a  musket.  He  fell  at  their  feet 
and  they  stripped  him  of  his  clothes,  dipped  their  hands  in 
his  blood  and  flung  his  lifeless  body  into  the  flaming  chapel. 
This  self-immolation  saved  hundreds  of  his  people,  who  in 
the  momentary  pause  made  their  escape.  But  nevertheless 
the  Iroquois  took  700  prisoners,  and  setting  fire  to  the  village, 
which  was  soon  a  heap  of  ashes,  they  hurried  away  to  their 
own  country,  only  to  return  after  the  wretched  Hurons  had 
been  led  to  believe  that  no  further  danger  was  to  be  appre- 
hended. 

They  came  back  next  year  on  the  16th  of  March,  a  day 
most  memorable  in  the  annals  of  the  mission.  One  thou- 
sand Iroquois  had  gathered  from  the  various  parts  of  New 
York,  and  crept  stealthily  up  to  the  mission  of  St.  Ignace, 
which  was  under  the  care  of  Brebeuf  and  Lalemant,  but 
from  which  both  of  them  were  just  then  absent,  being  en- 
gaged at  the  adjoining  post  of  St.  Louis.  St.  Ignace  was 
given  over  to  the  flames,  most  of  the  inhabitants  were 
massacred,  and  some  fugitives  hurried  with  the  news  of  the 
tragedy  to  St.  Louis.  But  the  Iroquois  were  close  behind 
them.  The  priests  were  seized,  and  carried  in  triumph  to 
St.  Ignace.  The  horrors  of  their  martyrdom  have  been  too 
often  described  to  call  for  repetition  here.  When  the  tragedy 
was  over,  the  bodies  of  the  martyrs  were  carried  to  St. 
Mary's,  where  the  Superior,  Father  Ragueneau,  interred 
them  with  the  reverence  which  their  heroism  and  sanctity 
demanded.  The  remains  of  Father  Daniel,  who  had  died 

151 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

the  year  before,  were  never  recovered.     They  had  mingled 
with  the  ashes  of  his  humble  chapel. 

Necessarily,  during  all  this  terrible  time,  St.  Mary's  was 
trembling  for  its  existence.  Though  it  was  fortified  it  could 
not  hope  to  withstand  the  ever  increasing  power  of  the  Iro- 
quois,  who  were  now  coming  nearer  and  nearer.  Another 
difficulty  presented  itself.  The  number  of  fugitive  Hurons 
who  sought  shelter  there  made  the  question  of  their  susten- 
ance one  of  startling  importance.  Would  they  have  to  aban- 
don this  last  defense  ? 

In  the  beginning  of  June,  1649,  two  months  after  the  death 
of  Brebeuf  and  Lalemant,  twelve  Huron  chiefs  came  to  beg 
Father  Ragueneau  to  transport  the  mission  to  St.  Joseph's 
Island  out  in  the  Bay.  The  Fathers  would  have  preferred 
Manitoulin,  which  is  far  up  on  Lake  Huron,  the  same  place 
which  is  now  occupied  by  the  successors  of  these  mission- 
aries. It  seemed  safer  and  more  desirable,  but  yielding  to 
the  persuasion  of  the  sachems,  it  was  determined  to  emigrate 
to  St.  Joseph's ;  and  so  on  the  14th  of  June,  putting  all  their 
live  stock  and  provisions  and  effects  upon  rafts  and  boats, 
they  rowed  away  from  St.  Mary's,  after  setting  fire  to  the 
beloved  mission  which  had  cost  so  much  sacrifice  and  labor 
during  the  ten  years  of  its  existence,  but  which  one  hour  re- 
duced to  ashes.  The  ruins  are  yet  to  be  seen. 

Arriving  at  St.  Joseph's,  Frenchmen  and  Indians  alike  set 
to  work  to  dig  ditches,  fix  the  stockades  and  build  a  fort, 
which  they  made  mostly  of  stone.  It  was  123  feet  long  and 
60  wide,  with  two  bastions  at  the  southern  end.  "  It  was 
easy  to  defend,"  says  Ragueneau,  "  and  we  did  not  dread  fire 
or  escalade  or  sapping  and  mining.  We  also  fortified  the 
Huron  village  next  to  our  dwelling.  We  threw  up  redoubts 
at  all  the  approaches."  On  the  southeast  shore  of  the  island 
you  can  still  trace  the  lines  of  the  old  fortifications,  the  site 
of  the  chapel  and  the  residence  of  the  missionaries.  Father 
Martin,  who  visited  the  place  in  1845,  published  a  description 
of  it  and  added  it  to  Bressani's  Relation. 

152 


PAUL  RAGUENEAU. 

"  There  are  no  remnants  of  the  village,"  writes  Father 
Martin,  "  but  the  ruins  of  the  fort  have  survived  all  the  dis- 
asters. It  is  square,  with  bastions  at  the  angles.  Originally, 
the  walls  were  five  metres  high,  and  at  some  places  there  are 
two  metres  left.  The  work  is  perfect  in  its  regularity,  and 
remarkable  in  its  proportions  and  correctness  of  alignment. 
In  the  centre  is  a  cistern  in  masonry  3  metres  square  and  2 
deep.  In  the  middle  of  the  east  curtain  is  an  abutting  wall 
which  must  have  been  protected  by  constructions  in  wood. 
Doubtless  the  northwest  bastion  was  part  of  it. 

"  Some  years  ago  there  were  found  in  the  midst  of  the 
ruins  a  number  of  wampum  belts,  some  white,  some  violet ; 
and  also  remnants  of  copper  utensils  and  human  bones.  The 
most  interesting  of  all  was  the  mould  for  making  altar 
breads.  It  was  of  iron,  and,  being  so  heavy,  was  doubtless 
not  put  on  the  backs  of  the  Hurons  when  they  fled  to  Quebec. 
It  was  nearly  like  what  we  use  nowadays.  The  stamps  on  it 
were  in  a  perfect  state  of  preservation.  They  adhered  to 
each  other,  but  the  rust  on  the  outside  had  prevented  all  ac- 
tion of  air  or  water.  An  Englishman  paid  a  good  price  for 
it,  and  not  knowing  its  purpose,  sent  it  to  a  museum  in  Lon- 
don. There  were  also  dug  up  some  pieces  of  coarse  pottery 
and  pipes,  which  have  the  merit  of  letting  us  know  what  was 
the  nature  of  Huron  industry.  We  ourselves  found  some 
calumets  in  the  Indian  graves." 

Work  was  carried  on  with  such  vigor  in  this  new  place 
that  when  winter  set  in  they  were  secure  from  attack ;  and  on 
March  13,  1650,  Ragueneau  was  able  to  write  to  Rome: 
"  Never  have  we  gathered  such  fruits  of  our  labors ;  never 
has  the  Faith  struck  such  deep  roots  in  the  hearts  of  the 
Indians;  never  has  the  Christian  name  been  so  glorious  as 
in  the  midst  of  the  ruins  of  this  unhappy  nation.  Last  year 
we  baptized  3,000  Indians." 

But  the  sky  was  already  growing  black.  Hardly  was  the 
fort  completed  when  Indian  runners  brought  the  news  of  two 
more  disasters  down  to  the  south  of  them  among  the  To- 

153 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

bacco  Indians,  where  Fathers  Gamier  and  Chabanel  had  been 
stationed.  The  Iroquois  had  appeared,  but  confident  of  their 
strength,  the  Petuns,  or  Tobaccos,  had  gone  out  to  meet 
them.  Their  excessive  confidence  was  their  ruin,  for  the 
wily  Iroquois,  taking  a  roundabout  course,  slipped  by  them 
and,  falling  upon  the  undefended  town,  massacred  all  its 
inhabitants.  When  they  arrived,  Garnier  was  teaching  cate- 
chism in  his  cabin.  He  might  have  escaped,  but  that  thought 
never  came  to  his  mind.  On  the  contrary,  he  hastened  from 
hut  to  hut  to  baptize  the  children  and  absolve  the  dying. 
While  he  was  hurrying  on  with  his  work  two  musket  balls 
stretched  him  in  his  gore ;  but  in  spite  of  that,  while  bleeding 
to  death,  he  struggled  to  his  knees  to  crawl  over  to  a  dying 
Huron  who  was  asking  for  absolution.  The  Iroquois  saw 
him  and  a  tomahawk  clove  his  skull.  After  they  had  satis- 
fied their  fury  they  withdrew.  Then  the  braves  who  had 
gone  out  to  meet  the  foe  came  back,  and  saw  with  horror  the 
ruins  of  their  cabins  and  the  mangled  bodies  of  their  wives 
and  children.  All  day  long  they  sat  on  the  ground,  motion- 
less statues  of  bronze,  their  heads  bent,  their  eyes  fixed  on 
the  earth.  Not  a  cry,  not  a  tear  betrayed  the  agony  of  their 
hearts. 

A  few  days  before  this  massacre  Father  Chabanel  had  been 
called  back  to  the  headquarters  at  St.  Joseph's  Island.  Sev- 
eral Hurons  went  with  him.  While  they  were  halting  in  a 
forest  in  the  dead  of  night,  and  when  his  companions  were 
all  buried  in  sleep,  Chabanel  heard  the  noise  of  approaching 
feet.  It  was  the  Iroquois  returning  from  the  massacre.  He 
awakened  his  Hurons,  but  they  all  fled  in  terror,  leaving  him 
alone  with  an  apostate  Christian.  He  was  never  seen  again, 
and  the  renegade  afterward  confessed  that  he  had  murdered 
him.  His  death  and  that  of  Garnier  ends  the  list  of  the 
heroes  who  died  for  the  faith  in  Canada.  No  doubt  when 
the  intelligence  of  the  tragedy  was  brought,  it  dispelled  the 
bright  hope  that  Ragueneau  was  cherishing  for  the  Church 
of  the  Hurons. 

154 


PAUL  RAGUENEAU. 

The  Hurons  outnumbered  the  Iroquois  and  could  easily 
have  beaten  back  their  foes,  but  they  had  lost  heart.  Ten 
thousand  of  them  had  already  perished;  other  thousands 
were  absorbed  by  neighboring  tribes,  and  multitudes  in  a 
starving  condition  came  to  the  missionaries  for  food.  Soon 
a  pestilence  reaped  a  harvest  of  death  among  them.  The 
famine  was  so  great  that  even  the  dead  were  disinterred  and 
eaten;  and,  worst  of  all,  when  spring  set  in,  the  Iroquois 
reappeared.  The  unhappy  Hurons  were  vanishing  from  the 
earth.  At  last  everything  had  to  be  abandoned,  and,  yield- 
ing to  the  entreaties  of  the  Indians,  Ragueneau  turned  his 
face  to  Quebec  and  led  the  wretched  remnants  of  the  once 
great  tribe  down  to  the  city  on  the  St.  Lawrence,  which  had 
scarcely  enough  to  sustain  its  own  inhabitants.  Three  or 
four  hundred  naked  and  famishing  Hurons,  men,  women 
and  children,  presented  themselves  at  the  city  gates.  There 
was  consternation  among  the  inhabitants,  but  the  colony  was 
Catholic,  and  in  that  supreme  test  of  its  charity  it  did  not 
fail  to  give  a  splendid  example  of  self-sacrifice  in  saving  these 
wretched  outcasts.  The  Fathers  and  nuns  begged  every- 
where for  food  and  clothing  during  the  long  winter,  until 
spring  melted  the  snows,  and  then  the  poor  unfortunates 
were  gathered  under  the  care  of  Father  Chaumonot  on  the 
Isle  d'Orleans. 

After  his  return  to  Quebec  Ragueneau  became  the  director 
of  a  nun  of  the  Hotel  Dieu,  whose  life  has  just  been  written 
by  the  Jesuit  Father  Hudon,  of  Montreal.  She  was  called 
Mother  Catherine  of  St.  Augustin,  and  came  to  Canada  at 
the  age  of  twenty-three  or  four.  Her  recent  biographer  pre- 
sents her  to  his  readers  as  a  mystic  of  quite  an  extraordinary 
kind,  to  whose  sufferings  and  prayers  Canada  owed  its  pres- 
ervation at  a  time  when  the  fortunes  of  the  colony  were 
hanging  in  the  balance.  De  Brebeuf,  who  had  just  been 
killed,  frequently  appeared  to  Mother  Catherine,  and  di- 
rected her  in  the  practices  of  the  supernatural  life.  Asso- 
ciated with  Ragueneau  as  confessor  and  spiritual  guide  was 
Bishop  Laval.  The  testimony  of  these  two  great  men  is  a 

155 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

sufficient  guarantee  that  Mother  Catherine  was  not  a  victim 
of  delusions. 

It  was  to  be  expected  that  a  man  of  such  prominence  as 
Ragueneau  would  immediately  attract  attention  on  his  ar- 
rival at  Quebec.  So  it  happened,  but  only  to  his  misfortune. 

From  the  year  1647,  the  Jesuits  had  occupied  a  seat  in 
the  Supreme  Council  of  the  colony,  an  honor  which  had  been 
accepted  after  considerable  hesitation.  Father  Le  Mercier 
was  the  first  to  hold  that  place,  and  when  he  went  to  France, 
Ragueneau,  whom  he  had  appointed  Vice  Rector  of  Quebec, 
naturally  succeeded  him.  But  as  the  duties  of  his  office 
brought  him  into  frequent  contact  with  the  Governor,  De 
Lauson,  a  strong  personal  friendship  developed  between  the 
two  men,  with  the  unfortunate  result,  however,  that  what- 
ever the  Governor  did  was  ascribed  to  Ragueneau,  so  that  a 
good  deal  of  discontent  and  jealousy  was  engendered,  es- 
pecially among  those  who  had  to  be  severely  dealt  with.  The 
Jesuits  themselves  objected,  and  forwarded  their  complaints 
to  the  Father  General,  who  forthwith  ordered  the  Provincial 
to  remove  Ragueneau  to  another  field  of  labor,  and  hence,  in 
October,  1656,  the  Superior  of  Quebec  wrote  to  Rome  that, 
"  in  obedience  to  orders,  he  had  transferred  Father  Rague- 
neau to  Three  Rivers,  notwithstanding  the  strong  protest  of 
the  Governor."  The  letter  of  Father  de  Quen  to  the  General, 
dated  October,  1656,  says :  "  Father  Ragueneau  is  a  man 
of  great  candor  and  of  remarkable  virtue,  but  more  im- 
mersed in  secular  affairs  than  becomes  our  Society,  and  is  a 
cause  of  many  complaints  and  much  ill  will  in  our  regard. 
All  this  will  stop  if  he  cuts  loose  from  this  business  and  is 
sent  into  the  most  remote  mission"  There  Ragueneau  was 
laboring  when  a  second  command  sent  him  to  the  Onondaga 
mission. 

It  was  a  fine  test  of  virtue,  but  he  was  found  equal  to  it ; 
for  though  no  one  has  written  so  much  about  the  Canadian 
mission — he  is  in  fact  the  author  of  the  greater  number  of 
the  Relations — not  a  word  appears  in  his  voluminous  publi- 
cations and  corespondence,  which  shows  that  he  resented  in 

156 


PAUL  RAGUENEAU. 

the  least  what  might  seem  unnecessarily  harsh  treatment  for 
one  who  had  scarcely  yet  recovered  from  the  sufferings 
which  he  had  undergone  among  the  savages  of  Lake  Huron. 
Not  only  did  he  obey,  but  he  undertook  the  new  work  with 
enthusiasm.  We  have  seen  how  he  labored  at  Onondaga. 
His  submission  is  all  the  more  admirable  as  we  find  a 
letter,  written  by  him  in  1658  to  the  General  who  had 
asked  for  information,  that  he  thought  "  Father  de  Quen, 
the  Superior,  was  naturally  weak  and  lacking  in  prudence ; 
and  that  better  natural  parts  would  be  desirable  in  one  occu- 
pying his  position."  Ragueneau's  obedience  was  along  su- 
pernatural lines.  It  is  worthy  of  note  that  Father  Poncet, 
who  was  one  of  those  to  object  to  Father  Ragueneau's  pol- 
itics, was  himself  removed  from  his  office  for  analogous  rea- 
sons some  time  later. 

When  Ragueneau  returned  to  Quebec  with  the  wreck  of 
the  Onondaga  mission  he,  a  second  time,  became  an  un- 
willing source  of  discomfort  to  his  superiors.  He  was  again 
marked  out  for  honors  by  the  civil  authorities,  and  we  find 
in  the  State  Papers  of  the  Great  Conde  a  letter  from  M.  du 
Bois  d'Avajour  dated  Quebec,  October  13,  1661,  which  in- 
forms His  Highness  that  he  had  put  "  at  the  head  of  the 
Council  for  the  service  of  the  King  and  the  good  of  the 
country  the  Reverend  Father  Ragnaust,  who  has  the  honor 
to  be  known  to  Your  Highness." 

These  dignities  which  were  again  thrust  upon  him  without 
any  fault  of  his  were  still  displeasing  to  his  superiors ;  for 
we  find  that  when  Bishop  Laval,  who  was  his  devoted  friend, 
returned  to  France  in  1662,  in  the  interests  of  the  colony, 
Father  Ragueneau  was  his  companion.  America  never  saw 
him  again.  All  the  rest  of  his  life  he  remained  in  France 
acting  as  Procurator  of  the  Missions,  which  he  had  served 
so  well.  He  died  in  Paris  September  3,  1680.  Besides  the 
four  volumes  of  the  Relations  which  he  edited,  he  has  left 
also  the  Life  of  Mother  Catherine  of  St.  Augustin.  His 
missionary  career  in  New  York  was  brief,  but  he  occupies  a 
splendid  place  in  its  list  of  heroes. 

157 


RENE    MENARD. 

RENE  MENARD'S  American  missionary  career  begins 
in  a  wild  storm  which  raged  in  the  very  harbor  from 
which  he  was  to  set  sail  from  the  other  side  of  the  Atlantic. 
He  describes  it  all  in  a  long  letter  which  may  be  found  in  the 
eighteenth  volume  of  the  Relations.  That  and  the  romantic 
scenes  on  board  the  Esperance  as  it  sailed  away  subsequently 
over  the  tranquil  ocean,  he  narrates  with  the  most  exquisite 
taste.  The  letter  does  not  indeed  purport  to  be  his,  as  the 
Superior  embodies  it  in  the  annual  report,  saying:  "  Father 
Rene  Menart  having  arrived  at  Kebec,  related  to  us  some 
adventures  of  the  Fleet  this  year,  which  seem  to  me  very 
worthy  to  compose  this  chapter  "  ;  but  nevertheless  it  is  very 
likely  a  transcript  of  Menard's  own  account  given  in  writing 
to  Father  Le  Jeune.  As  he  had  been  a  student  at  Paris,  La 
Fleche,  Bourges,  and  Rouen,  and  an  instrcutor  at  Orleans 
and  Moulins  from  1629  to  1639,  in  the  palmy  days  of  the 
French  Jesuit  Colleges,  he  was  quite  capable  of  giving  it  the 
delicate  literary  touch  it  possesses.  . 

"  Our  ships,"  he  says,  "  set  out  from  their  anchorage  on 
the  26th  of  March,  1640.  Madame  the  Duchesse  d'Aiguil- 
lon  having  increased  the  endowment  of  her  Hospital  in  New 
France,  and  desiring,  consequently,  that  two  nuns  of  the 
House  of  Mercy  established  at  Dieppe  should  come  and  give 
help  to  their  good  sisters,  Monseigneur  the  Archbishop  of 
Rouen  granted  them  their  dismissal  with  a  love  and  affec- 
tion proportionate  to  his  desire  for  the  increase  of  the  glory 
of  our  Lord  in  the  conversion  of  the  poor  savages."  The 
dignified  courtesy  in  the  references  to  "  Monseigneur  "  and 
"  Madame  la  Duchesse  "  is  observed  throughout  the  letter, 
and  is  characteristic  of  the  courtly  gentlemen  that  most  of 
those  first  missionaries  were.  "  Mother  de  Sainte  Marie  and 
Sister  de  Saint  Nicholas,"  he  continues,  "  both  professed 

158 


RENE  MENARD. 

nuns  of  this  monastery,  were  chosen,  with  a  very  keen  ap- 
preciation of  their  good  fortune  and  with  regrets  for  the 
many  others  who  were  sighing  for  this  cross  which  they 
regarded  as  a  paradise.  There  were  two  other  nuns  also, 
Mother  Anne  de  Sainte  Claire  and  Mother  Marguerite  de 
Saint  Athanase,  who  embarked  on  the  vessel  called  the  '  Es- 
perance '  under  the  command  of  Monsieur  de  Courpon,  a 
very  honest  gentleman  who  favored  these  good  souls  to  the 
utmost.  I  do  not  know  whether  the  demons  foresaw  some 
great  blessing  from  this  passage,  but  it  seems  as  if  they  de- 
sired to  engulf  us  from  the  time  we  left  the  roadstead.  They 
raised  up  the  whole  ocean,  unchained  the  winds,  and  excited 
such  horrible  and  continuous  tempests  that  they  almost  made 
us  perish  in  sight  of  Dieppe.  We  were  in  the  midst  of  these 
dangers  from  the  twenty-sixth  of  March  until  the  twenty- 
eighth  of  April,  beaten  by  rain  and  snow,  and  as  near  to 
death  as  we  were  to  the  coasts  of  France.  A  ship  of  Saint 
Valery  which  was  in  the  harbor  with  us,  detaching  itself 
from  its  anchors,  went  to  pieces  before  our  eyes,  everything 
that  was  within  being  carried  away.  The  men  were  en- 
gulfed in  the  waves,  and  of  twenty  or  thereabout  who  were 
in  this  ship,  only  three  were  saved.  The  death  that  reaped 
these  bodies  seemed  at  every  moment  waiting  to  devour  us. 
I  heard  many  people  cursing  the  day  and  the  hour  when  the 
thought  entered  into  their  minds  to  go  upon  the  sea  and  to 
entrust  their  lives  to  the  mercy  of  a  cable.  Virtue  animates 
a  heart  pozverfully.  These  good  Sisters,  who  at  other  times 
would  have  trembled  in  a  boat  upon  the  Seine,  mocked  at 
death  and  its  approaches.  This  tempest  having  passed,  an- 
other arose  as  furious  as  the  first.  As  they  saw  it  arising  in 
the  sky  our  sailors  cast  the  second  anchor,  which  saved  our 
lives,  for  the  cable  of  the  first,  which  until  then  had  secured 
us,  broke  in  a  moment,  and  our  ship  would  have  been  hope- 
lessly lost  if  the  second  anchor  had  not  held  us  fast.  If  we 
avoided  one  danger  we  fell  into  another.  A  wave  dashed 
our  Vice  Admiral  towards  us  with  such  violence  that  the 

159 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

most  steadfast  thought  we  were  lost.  Never  have  I  con- 
fronted death  so  near.  If  this  ship  had  advanced  twenty 
paces  we  should  have  been  dashed  to  pieces,  and  the  ocean 
would  have  swallowed  us  in  its  waves.  ...  I  do  not 
know  that  for  a  hundred  years  vessels  have  been  so  long 
anchored  or  assailed  by  such  contrary  winds.  Yet  the  fury 
of  the  tempest,  while  chaining  us  near  the  port,  defended  us 
against  hostile  frigates  equipped  for  war  which  were  await- 
ing us  outside,  so  that  if  we  had  weighed  anchor  one  day 
before  our  departure,  we  should  infallibly  have  fallen  into 
the  hands  of  the  enemy.  Madame  the  Duchesse  d'Aiguillon, 
having  been  advised  of  this  ambuscade,  so  arranged  that 
Monseigneur  the  Cardinal  de  Richelieu  ordered  the  ships  of 
Havre  to  act  as  our  convoy.  As  we  were  about  to  go  and 
join  them  we  encountered  five  Dunkirk  frigates.  Imme- 
diately our  men  grasp  their  weapons,  cannon  are  thrust  out 
of  the  portholes — every  one  is  ready  for  the  combat.  Mon- 
sieur de  Courpon,  our  Admiral,  advances.  But  these  frig- 
ates, being  hampered  by  two  Dutch  ships  that  had  left  us 
the  previous  night  and  had  been  captured  a  little  while  be- 
fore we  appeared,  turned  away  from  us,  seeing  from  our  ap- 
pearance that  we  were  ready  to  dispute  the  victory  with 
them  stubbornly.  We  reached  Havre  directly  afterwards, 
where  we  found  fifty  ships  at  anchor,  awaiting  us.  I  did  not 
think  I  was  on  the  sea,  seeing  myself  encompassed  by  so 
much  wood.  .  .  .  As  we  floated  along  in  this  security 
the  ships  of  the  King  sighted  eight  hostile  frigates,  to  which 
they  gave  chase.  But  they  escaped,  owing  to  a  favorable 
wind.  The  royal  escort,  seeing  us  out  of  the  channel  and  out 
of  danger,  left  us.  Thus  the  tempests,  ready  to  destroy  us 
in  the  port,  protected  us  against  our  enemies." 

The  voyage  across  was  as  tranquil  as  its  beginning  was 
boisterous.  Great  piety  reigned  among  the  crew.  "  But  the 
devotion  was  most  profound  and  most  conspicuous  on  the 
day  of  the  Blessed  Sacrament.  A  magnificent  altar  was  pre- 
pared in  the  cabin  of  our  Admiral ;  the  crew  erected  another 

160 


RENE  MENARD. 

at  the  prow  of  the  ship,  and  Our  Lord,  desirous  to  be  adored 
upon  this  unstable  element,  gave  us  a  calm  so  peaceful  that 
we  could  imagine  ourselves  floating  upon  a  pond.  We 
formed  a  really  solemn  procession.  Everyone  took  part  in 
it,  and  their  piety  and  devotion  caused  them  to  march  in 
excellent  order  around  the  deck.  Our  brother  Dominique 
Scot,  wearing  a  surplice,  bore  the  cross ;  on  either  side  of  him 
were  two  children,  each  bearing  a  lighted  torch ;  the  nuns  fol- 
lowed with  their  white  wax  tapers,  in  angelic  modesty ;  after 
the  priest  who  carried  the  Blessed  Sacrament  walked  the 
Admiral  of  the  fleet,  and  then  the  whole  crew.  The  can- 
nons made  the  air  and  the  waves  resound  with  thunder,  and 
the  Angels  took  pleasure  in  hearing  the  praises  that  our 
hearts  and  lips  gave  to  their  Prince  and  to  our  Sovereign 
King." 

They  reached  Tadoussac  on  the  last  of  June,  and  finally 
"  on  Sunday  morning  cast  anchor  opposite  Kebec.  Monsieur 
our  Governor  went  down  to  the  wharf  with  our  Reverend 
Father  Superior  to  receive  our  Fathers  and  to  escort  these 
truly  generous  Sisters  to  their  house.  They  upon  leaving  the 
ship  fell  upon  their  knees  and  kissed  the  ground  so  long  de- 
sired and  sang  the  Laudate  Dominum  omnes  gentcs;  and 
Madame  de  la  Peltrie,  accompanied  by  her  little  seminarists, 
neatly  dressed,  embraced  these  good  nuns,"  etc. 

It  is  rather  a  surprise  to  be  told  that  "  they  left  the  ship 
in  better  health  than  when  they  had  entered  it.  Poverty  and 
discomfort  in  houses  that  are  built  upon  land  seem  palaces 
and  riches  to  those  who  come  forth  from  a  house  of 
wood  floating  at  the  will  of  the  winds  and  waves." 
Thus  did  Father  Menard  make  his  entrance  into  the  New 
World. 

During  the  next  year  he  studied  Algonquin,  and  his  name 
appears  on  the  baptismal  register  at  Sillery,  alongside  of 
Masse's,  Pijart's,  and  others  equally  famous.  Among  the 
sponsors  are  such  dignitaries  as  Montmagny  himself,  Le 
Gardeur  de  Repentigny,  Achille  de  Lisle,  Madame  de  la 
11  161 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

Peltrie  and  her  maid  Carola.  Rene  Goupil  is  also  there  as 
godfather. 

Menard  then  started  with  Father  Ragueneau  for  the 
Huron  country.  On  the  way  the  Indians  informed  them  of 
danger  ahead,  and  it  was  deemed  prudent  to  return  to  Three 
Rivers.  Messengers  meantime  were  sent  to  Quebec  to  ask 
for  an  escort,  but  the  Algonquins  refused  to  go.  At  last  a 
Huron  arrived  and  told  them  that  the  road  was  open,  and  so 
they  departed,  "  without  any  other  discomfort  than  the  great 
fatigues  of  a  most  frightful  road."  As  a  matter  of  fact  there 
were  five  hundred  Iroquois  on  the  warpath,  and  Father  Bre- 
beuf,  coming  down  the  St.  Lawrence,  had  narrowly  escaped 
them. 

In  Huronia  he  was  associated  with  the  heroic  Raymbault, 
who  had  been  Jogues'  companion  in  the  journey  over  Lake 
Huron  to  meet  the  throngs  of  Indians  awaiting  them  at 
Sault  Ste.  Marie.  It  was  after  he  and  Jogues  had  returned 
to  Georgian  Bay  that  Raymbault  "  immediately  re-em- 
barked in  another  canoe  to  seek  the  Nippissiriens  in  their 
winter  quarters  and  to  continue  instructing  them."  His 
companion  was  Menard. 

Lake  Nippissing  lies  east  of  Georgian  Bay.  You  enter  it 
by  the  Riviere  des  Frangais,  but  it  is  very  far  from  the 
River  Wye,  where  the  mission  headquarters  had  been  estab- 
lished. The  travellers  never  reached  their  destination.  "  The 
lake  was  so  agitated,  the  winds  so  contrary,  and  the  storms 
so  great,  that  the  canoe  was  compelled  to  put  back  to  where 
it  had  started,  and  the  ice,  which  formed  immediately  after- 
wards, rendered  the  voyage  impossible.  But,  worse  than 
that,  Raymbault  fell  seriously  ill,  and  Father  Jogues  had  to 
carry  him  down  to  Quebec,  a  thousand  miles  away.  There 
Raymbault  died.  But  Jogues  never  returned  to  the  Huron 
country.  He  was  caught  by  the  Iroquois,  and  began  his 
martyrdom  at  Ossernenon.  Menard,  however,  did  not  aban- 
don the  Nippissirien  project  for  which  Raymbault  had  sacri- 
ficed his  life.  We  read  in  the  Relations  that  "  at  the  end  of 

162 


RENE  MENARD. 

April,  Fathers  Claude  Pijart  and  Rene  Menard  leave  us  to 
return  to  the  Nippissiriens  in  their  own  country  and  to  con- 
tinue instructing  them,  for  that  nation  seems  of  all  these 
wandering  peoples  the  least  averse  to  the  faith." 

In  the  Journal  des  Jesuites  for  1650-1651  we  find  this 
simple  entry:  "June  4.  I  appointed  Father  Menart  to  be 
Superior  at  Three  Rivers.  Omnia  peculia  Huronum  et  Al- 
gonquinorum  sublata";  which  means  it  was  all  over  with 
the  Hurons  and  Algonquins.  The  heroic  work  of  those 
many  years  had  come  to  naught.  Many  of  the  missionaries 
were  killed,  and  Father  Menard,  who  had  lived  and  worked 
with  them  all,  was  now  down  at  the  Fort  of  Three  Rivers, 
probably  disappointed  that  he  had  not  been  chosen  for  mar- 
tyrdom. But  we  find  also  in  the  same  Journal  the  month 
after :  "  July  2d.  A  band  of  eighty  Iroquois  appeared  at 
Three  Rivers,  at  first  to  the  number  of  eight,  who,  issuing 
from  the  wood,  rushed  upon  two  canoes  which  were  ap- 
proaching the  land  opposite ;  but  our  men,  having  abandoned 
their  canoes  and  taken  to  the  shallop,  there  appeared  a 
greater  number  of  Iroquois,  who  discharged  forty  or  fifty 
shots  upon  the  shallop."  Menard  was  still  in  the  midst  of 
war.  Finally,  on  the  3d  of  August,  this  entry  appears: 
"Father  Menard  baptized  the  two  Iroquois, Pierre  and  Fran- 
c,ois,  who  were  burned  the  next  day."  They  had  been  cap- 
tured in  the  foray  which  they  had  persisted  in  making  at  the 
very  palisades  of  the  fort.  Poor  Father  Menard  could  not 
prevent  their  execution,  but  he  sent  them  to  heaven. 

Then  came  the  call  for  missionaries  to  go  into  the  very 
heart  of  the  Iroquois  country.  Of  course,  Father  Menard 
was  sent ;  for  he  was  known  as  "  the  most  spiritual  of  all  the 
missionaries,"  and  as  the  Relations  inform  us,  "  he  seemed 
to  pine  away  when  not  engaged  in  some  perilous  enterprise 
for  the  salvation  of  souls."  He  was  chosen  to  be  one  of  the 
apostles  in  the  expedition  that  sailed  from  Quebec,  May  17, 
1656.  We  do  not  know  whether  he  was  one  of  those  who 
left  that  city  and  barely  escaped  being  murdered  by  300  Iro- 

163 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

quois  who  were  waiting  in  ambush  at  the  very  spot  where 
the  party  had  proposed,  the  first  morning  after  leaving 
Quebec,  to  land  and  celebrate  Mass.  Fortunately  this  they 
did  not  do,  merely  because  the  pilot  forgot  all  about  it.  He 
thus  unconsciously  averted  the  massacre.  Possibly  Menard 
joined  the  party  at  Three  Rivers.  At  all  events  he  was  in 
one  of  the  canoes  that  sailed  over  Lake  Ganentaa  on  the 
llth  of  July  with  cannon  booming  and  men  cheering  and 
banners  waving,  to  take  possession  of  the  new  region  for 
Christ. 

The  month  after  his  arrival  he  and  Chaumonot  went  off 
to  the  Cayugas,  where  after  a  while  he  was  left  alone,  not 
even  knowing  the  language.  Nevertheless,  he  had  every 
reason  to  expect  the  triumph  of  the  Gospel.  His  going 
there  was  brought  about  by  a  sort  of  an  Indian  Constantine. 

When  Le  Moyne  first  addressed  the  Onondagas,  a  Cayuga 
chief  was  in  the  throng  of  listeners.  He  demanded  bap- 
tism. He  was  going  to  fight  the  Fries.  Le  Moyne,  of 
course,  refused.  "  Are  you  the  master  of  life  and  death?  " 
asked  the  Indian.  "  Can  you  prevent  the  arrows  of  the  Fries 
from  piercing  my  heart  ?  Unless  thou  baptize  me  I  shall  be 
without  courage.  Baptize  me,  and  I  will  obey  thee  and  give 
my  word  to  live  and  die  a  Christian."  Le  Moyne  instructed 
and  baptized  him  and  the  chief  set  out  for  battle.  He  met 
the  foe  and  his  braves  were  inspired  by  his  fervor.  When 
they  saw  themselves  surrounded  by  the  Fries,  four  times 
their  number,  they  invoked  the  God  of  the  Christians  and 
won  the  day.  Many  kept  their  promise,  but  many  forgot  it. 

By  these  warrior-Christians  Menard  was  led  to  Cayuga, 
but  he  received  the  reverse  of  a  welcome  from  the  rest  of  the 
tribe.  Even  the  children  attacked  him,  and  till  his  dying 
day  his  scarred  face  showed  how  cruelly  and  how  freely  they 
had  used  their  knives.  "  Without  trembling,"  says  the  Re- 
lation of  1662-64,  "  he  saw  the  Iroquois  fall  upon  him  to  cut 
his  throat  when  he  was  laboring  for  their  conversion.  Others 
at  the  same  place  raised  their  hatchets  against  him  to  split 

164 


MGR.    LAVAL. 


RENE  MENARD. 

his  head,  but  he  was  not  frightened.  The  children  hooted 
at  him  and  ran  after  him  as  after  a  madman.  But  little  by 
little  his  patience  triumphed.  The  purity  of  the  Huron  cap- 
tive women,  whom  he  taught,  amazed  the  Cayuga  squaws, 
and  soon  his  little  chapel  began  to  be  frequented.  Children 
were  baptized,  as  were  many  women.  The  men  held  back. 
Of  them  he  gained  only  a  few;  the  first  an  old  man  on  his 
death-bed,  and  the  second  a  once  famous  chief  who  had  tried 
to  prevent  the  burning  of  Brebeuf  years  before  in  the  Huron 
country,  and  who  now,  half  eaten  by  a  cancer,  received  the 
gift  of  faith.  His  influence  was  often  valuable  in  saving 
Menard  from  death,  especially  in  the  beginning,  but  after 
two  months  Menard  was  a  favorite,  and  when  called  away 
deputations  were  sent  to  entreat  him  to  return.  He  did  so, 
and  went  afterwards  to  the  Oneidas,  who  were  still  harder 
to  deal  with  than  the  Cayugas.  When  the  crash  came  two 
years  later  he  and  the  other  missionaries  disappeared  in  the 
middle  of  the  night  from  Onondaga.  His  going,  he  said, 
was  like  tearing  out  his  heart. 

In  the  catalogue  of  1659  we  find  under  the  heading 
"  Three  Rivers  "  three  illustrious  names :  Menard,  Fremin 
and  Le  Moyne.  In  that  year  Bishop  Laval  wrote  to  Pope 
Alexander  VII :  "  This  summer  a  priest  of  the  Society  of 
Jesus  left  for  a  mission  five  hundred  leagues  from  Quebec. 
The  country  is  inhabited  by  numberless  nations  who  have 
never  heard  speak  of  the  Catholic  faith.  Seven  Frenchmen 
go  with  him ;  they  to  trap  beavers,  he  to  gain  souls.  He  will 
have  much  to  suffer  and  everything  to  fear  from  the  winter, 
from  hunger,  from  sickness,  from  the  savages.  But  the 
love  of  Jesus  Christ  and  zeal  for  souls  triumphs  over  every- 
thing." 

That  priest  was  Rene  Menard,  Superior  of  the  Residence 
of  Three  Rivers.  "  On  his  way  back  from  Montreal  to 
Quebec,"  says  Rochemonteix,  "  the  bishop  had  met  a  flotilla 
of  sixty  canoes  with  300  Ottawas  going  up  the  stream,  after 
leaving  their  peltries  at  Three  Rivers.  In  the  midst  of  the 

165 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

Indians  he  perceives  Father  Menard,  and  asks  him  whither 
he  is  going.  "  To  Lake  Superior,  or  perhaps  beyond ;  wher- 
ever the  glory  of  God  may  call."  The  bishop  was  startled. 
Menard  was  already  fifty-five  years  of  age,  his  health  shat- 
tered by  labors,  fatigue  and  excessive  penance,  and  he  was 
bent  like  an  old  man. 

The  missionary  understood  the  anxious  look  of  the  bishop. 
"What  should  I  do,  Monseigneur  ?"  he  asked.  "  Father," 
was  the  answer,  "  there  is  every  reason  for  you  to  remain, 
but  God,  who  is  stronger  than  all,  wants  you  there."  The 
words  were  consoling,  and  later  on  in  the  Far  West  Menard 
wrote  in  his  journal :  "  How  often  I  have  recalled  them, 
amidst  the  roar  of  the  rapids  and  the  solitude  of  the  track- 
less forests."  The  memory  of  that  meeting  on  the  St.  Law- 
rence prompted  the  bishop's  letter  to  the  Pope.  Douglas  in 
his  "  Old  Quebec "  fancies  that  Menard's  question  to  the 
bishop  indicated  a  fear  about  going,  but  Douglas,  not  being 
a  Catholic,  could  not  appreciate  the  import  of  the  words  of 
either  the  bishop  or  the  missionary. 

Kneeling  for  the  blessing  of  the  holy  prelate,  Menard  set 
out  with  his  savages,  trusting  to  God.  He  had  no  baggage, 
no  presents  for  the  savages,  and  no  provisions.  He  went 
with  his  faithful  John  Guerin,  a  donne,  whithersoever  the 
Spirit  of  God  might  guide,  only  convinced  that  he  would 
never  return.  Before  he  left  Three  Rivers  he  wrote  a  fare- 
well letter  to  one  of  his  friends :  "  I  write  to  you  probably 
for  the  last  time,  and  I  want  this  last  word  to  be  the  seal  of 
our  friendship  until  we  meet  in  eternity.  In  three  or  four 
months  you  can  put  me  in  your  Memento  for  the  dead.  The 
life  among  those  people,  my  age,  and  my  poor  health  "  (he 
calls  it  ma  petite  complexion)  "  make  it  certain.  Neverthe- 
less, I  felt  so  impelled  to  it,  and  find  so  little  of  the  natural 
in  the  call,  that  I  could  not  doubt  that  if  I  missed  the  chance 
I  should  be  punished  by  an  eternal  remorse.  We  were  a 
little  surprised  not  to  have  been  provided  with  clothes  and 
other  things,  but  He  who  feeds  the  birds  and  robes  the  lilies 

166 


RENE  MENARD. 

of  the  field  will  have  care  of  His  servants,  and  if  it  happen 
that  we  die  in  misery,  it  will  be  for  us  a  source  of  happi- 
ness." 

It  is  worth  noting  that  one  of  the  seven  Frenchmen  who 
went  out  on  this  daring  expedition  was  the  famous  Groseil- 
liers,  whose  history  has  been  told  in  the  life  of  Father 
Poncet. 

Three  years  afterwards  thirty-five  canoes  manned  by 
Ottawas  came  to  Montreal.  With  them  were  the  seven 
Frenchmen  who  had  gone  out  into  the  wilds  with  Father 
Menard,  but  when  they  beached  their  canoes  near  the  fort  on 
that  26th  of  July,  1663,  Father  Menard  was  not  with  them. 
From  them  some  meagre  information  was  gleaned  of  what 
had  happened  to  him,  and  the  account  forms  one  of  the  most 
pathetic  narratives  in  all  the  wonderful  Relations.  We  can 
only  quote  from  it  here  and  there. 

"  The  poor  Father  and  the  seven  Frenchmen,  his  com- 
panions, setting  out  with  the  Ottawas  from  Three  Rivers,  on 
the  28th  of  August,  in  the  year  1660,  reached  the  Ottawa 
country  on  the  15th  of  October,  Saint  Theresa's  day,  after 
enduring  unspeakable  hardships,  ill  treatment  from  the  boat- 
men and  an  extreme  scantiness  of  provisions."  He  tells  us 
in  a  letter  that  reached  his  brethren  how  they  made  him  pad- 
dle all  day  long,  sometimes  without  even  breaking  his  fast; 
how  he  had  to  drag  his  canoe  through  the  shallow  streams 
or  carry  it  on  the  long  portages  while  sinking  with  weakness 
and  fatigue;  how  anxious  he  was  never  to  omit  saying  his 
breviary,  which  was  very  difficult,  for  they  started  early  in 
the  morning  and  stopped  only  at  night.  Once  they  snatched 
the  book  from  his  hands  and  threw  it  into  the  river,  "  but 
by  good  fortune,"  he  said,  "  I  had  another,  which  I  took 
good  care  they  did  not  lay  hands  on." 

"  Finally,  overcome  by  fatigue,  his  already  delicate  con- 
stitution almost  shattered,  he  arrived  at  his  destination ;  but 
'  as  a  man  spent  with  toil  can  still  go  a  good  distance  after 
growing  weary  '  he  had  spirit  enough  to  drag  himself  to  the 

167 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

wretched  cabin  where  he  was  to  stay.  It  was  owned  by  an 
Indian  known  as  le  Brocket  (the  Pike),  a  chief  excessively 
proud,  extremely  vicious  and  troubled  with  four  or  five 
wives.  He  treated  the  poor  Father  very  badly,  and  finally 
forced  him  to  leave  and  make  himself  a  hut  out  of  fir 
branches.  Heavens!  what  an  abode  during  the  rigors  of 
winter,  which  are  well-nigh  unendurable  in  those  regions? 
The  food  was  scarcely  better,  as  they  commonly  had  for 
their  only  dish  one  paltry  fish  to  be  divided  among  the  four 
or  five  of  their  party,  and  this,  too,  was  a  charitable  offering 
made  by  the  savages,  some  one  of  the  Frenchmen  waiting  at 
the  water's  edge  for  the  return  of  the  fishermen's  canoes,  as 
poor  beggars  wait  for  alms  at  the  church  door.  A  kind  of 
moss  growing  on  the  rocks  often  served  them  in  place  of  a 
meal.  They  would  put  a  handful  of  it  into  their  kettle, 
which  would  thicken  the  water  ever  so  little,  forming  a  kind 
of  foam  or  slime,  like  that  of  snails,  and  feeding  their  im- 
aginations more  than  their  bodies.  Fishbones,  which  were 
carefully  saved,  also  served  to  beguile  their  hunger.  There 
was  nothing  that  these  poor  starvelings  did  not  turn  to  some 
account.  The  bark  of  oak,  birch,  linden,  and  that  of  other 
trees,  when  well  cooked  and  pounded  and  then  put  into  the 
water  in  which  the  fish  had  been  boiled  or  else  mixed  with 
fish-oil,  made  them  some  excellent  stews.  They  ate  acorns 
with  more  relish  and  greater  pleasure  than  attend  the  eating 
of  chestnuts  in  Europe,  yet  even  of  these  they  did  not  have 
their  fill.  Thus  passed  the  first  winter. 

"  In  the  spring  they  fared  better.  In  the  second  winter 
they  tried  to  fish,  and  it  was  piteous  to  see  those  poor 
Frenchmen  in  a  canoe  amid  rain  and  snow,  borne  hither  and 
thither  by  whirlwinds  on  those  great  lakes.  They  fre- 
quently found  their  hands  and  feet  frozen,  while  occasionally 
they  were  overtaken  by  snow  so  thick  that  the  one  steering 
the  canoe  could  not  see  his  companion  in  the  bow.  But 
while  destitute  of  bodily  refreshment  they  were  comforted 
by  heavenly  favors.  As  long  as  the  Father  was  alive,  they 

168 


RENE  MENARD. 

had  Holy  Mass  every  day  and  confessed  and  received  Holy 
Communion  about  once  a  week.  While  the  Father  was 
wintering  there,  he  began  a  church  among  those  barbarians 
— very  small  but  very  precious,  since  it  cost  him  much  exer- 
tion and  many  tears."  "  The  church  "  was  only  two  old  men 
and  some  women.  One  of  the  women  whom  he  baptized 
was  "  a  wonderful  example  of  purity  among  a  people  wholly 
given  over  to  lechery." 

Gloomy  and  discouraging  as  it  was,  he  had  no  thought  of 
abandoning  his  post.  "  I  would  have  to  do  myself  vio- 
lence," he  wrote,  "  to  come  down  from  the  cross  which  God 
has  prepared  for  me  in  this  extremity  of  the  world  in  my  old 
days.  I  know  not  the  nature  of  the  nails  which  fasten  me 
to  this  adorable  wood,  but  the  mere  thought  that  anyone 
should  come  to  take  me  down  makes  me  shudder,  and  I 
often  start  up  from  my  slumbers  imagining  that  there  is  no 
Ottawa  land  for  me,  and  that  my  sins  will  send  me  back  to 
the  spot  from  which  the  mercy  of  my  God  had  by  so  signal 
a  favor  drawn  me." 

This  place  was,  as  his  letter  informs  us,  100  leagues  west 
of  Sault  Ste.  Marie ;  in  all  probability  at  Keweenaw. 

At  last,  seeing  that  the  brutality  and  polygamy  of  these 
people  precluded  all  hope  of  their  conversion,  he  proposed, 
as  we  see  in  a  letter  he  wrote  in  July,  1661,  to  evangelize  the 
Dacotahs,  who  lived  300  leagues  further  on.  But  he  changed 
his  plans,  for  he  heard  that  there  were  some  unfortunate 
Huron  Christians  in  those  parts  who  had  fled  thither  from 
the  pursuing  Iroquois.  Shea  locates  them  on  or  near  the 
Noquet  Islands,  in  the  vicinity  of  the  mouth  of  Green  Bay. 

Before  setting  out,  however,  he  asked  three  of  his  French 
companions  to  go  to  find  them  and  give  them  presents  so  as 
to  prepare  the  way.  The  scouts  accepted  the  perilous  task, 
but  they  found  only  a  wretched  remnant  of  the  tribe.  It 
was  in  its  death  agony.  Entering  the  cabins,  they  found 
nothing  but  sick  people,  almost  like  skeletons,  and  in  such  a 
state  of  weakness  as  to  be  unable  to  move  or  stand. 

169 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

Unable  to  do  anything  for  them,  the  messengers  returned, 
suffering  much  more  on  their  return  journey  than  on  their 
way  thither.  Had  they  not  been  young  men  they  would 
certainly  have  perished.  They  told  Menard  that  it  was  mad- 
ness for  him  to  attempt  the  journey ;  they  explained  to  him 
the  difficulties  of  the  road ;  the  great  number  of  rapids,  the 
cataracts;  the  long  and  perilous  portages;  the  precipices  to 
be  passed,  the  rocks  over  which  he  would  have  to  climb  and 
the  arid  tracts  where  there  was  nothing  to  support  life. 
"  God  calls  me,"  he  answered.  "  If  I  die  it  will  be  like  St. 
Francis  Xavier.  '  Farewell,'  he  said  to  them,  '  and  it  is  the 
final  farewell  that  I  bid  you  in  this  world,  since  you  will  not 
see  me  again.' ' 

He  started  on  the  13th  of  June,  after  nine  months'  stay 
with  the  Ottawas.  Some  Hurons  went  with  him,  but  de- 
serted him  near  a  lake.  There  he  waited  two  weeks  for 
them — Shea  says  "  a  month  " — and  he  then  struggled  on- 
ward. "On  the  10th  of  August,  while  following  his  com- 
panion, he  went  astray,  mistaking  some  woods  or  rocks  for 
others  which  had  been  indicated.  His  companion  searched 
and  called  and  discharged  his  musket,  but  in  vain.  He  was 
never  seen  again.  Some  time  afterward  a  savage  found  the 
Father's  bag,  but  would  not  admit  having  found  his  body, 
fearing  lest  he  should  be  accused  of  killing  him — an  accusa- 
tion perhaps  too  well  founded,  since  those  barbarians  did  not 
scruple  to  cut  a  man's  throat  when  they  met  him  alone  in  the 
woods.  He  was  probably  murdered  at  the  first  rapid  of  the 
Menominee.  Some  of  the  furnishings  of  his  chapel  were 
afterwards  discovered  in  a  cabin,  and  his  breviary  and  cas- 
sock are  said  to  have  been  used  by  the  Sioux  in  their  solemn 
incantations." 

So  died  this  holy  man;  alone  in  the  wilderness,  no  one 
knows  where  or  how.  The  "  Pater  Frugifer "  he  was 
called,  the  Father  who  made  each  moment  bear  fruit.  He 
had,  as  the  Relations  tell  us,  "  the  consolation  of  dying  in 
the  quest  for  new  sheep,  having  traversed  five  hundred 

170 


RENE  MENARD. 

leagues  of  rapids  and  precipices  in  that  work ;  being  the  one 
of  all  the  missionaries  who  approached  nearest  to  the  China 
Sea,  going  as  it  were  to  meet  his  dear  Apostle  of  the  Indies, 
St.  Francis  Xavier — by  a  different  route  indeed,  but  by  a 
last  journey  that  was  almost  identical  with  that  of  the  Apos- 
tle of  the  Indies,  both  having  died  in  solitude  and  on  the 
way  toward  fresh  conquests  which  they  purposed  to  make 
for  heaven." 

We  find  in  Justin  Winsor's  Narrative  and  Critical  History 
of  America  (iv.  p.  171)  a  passage  relative  to  Father  Me- 
nard's  last  journey  which  is  well  worthy  of  being  noted. 
"  Just  beyond  the  Huron  Isles  and  Huron  Bay,"  he  says, 
"on  the  southern  shore  of  Lake  Superior,  is  Keweenaw  Bay; 
and  on  the  15th  of  October,  Saint  Theresa's  day,  in  the  cal- 
endar of  the  Church  of  Rome,  the  traders  and  Rene  Me- 
nard  with  the  returning  Indians,  stopped,  and  here  passed 
the  winter.  Discouraged  by  the  indifference  of  the  Indians, 
he  resolved  to  go  to  the  retreat  of  the  Hurons,  among  the 
marshes  of  what  is  now  the  State  of  Wisconsin.  He  set  out 
on  June  13,  1661,  but  about  August  7,  while  Guerin  was 
making  a  portage  around  a  rapids,  Menard  lost  the  trail  and 
there  was  killed  or  died  from  exhaustion.  Perrot  writes : 
*  The  Father  followed  the  Ottawas  to  Lake  Michigan,  and 
in  their  flight  to  Louisiana  (Mississippi),  as  far  as  the  upper 
part  of  Black  River/  Now  if  Perrot's  statement  is  correct, 
Menard  and  his  devoted  companion  saw  the  Mississippi 
twelve  years  before  Joliet  and  his  companion  looked  upon 
the  great  river." 

Thus  did  Menard,  while  in  quest  of  souls,  win  earthly 
glory  also,  though  it  came  two  centuries  after  his  painful 
and  heroic  death.  But  would  he  have  ever  returned  from 
those  distant  regions  to  tell  the  story  of  his  discovery?  He 
did  not  want  to  be  taken  off  his  cross. 


171 


JAMES  FREMIN. 

FATHER  JAMES  FREMIN  had  the  air  of  a  military 
man ;  a  fierce  colonel  of  dragoons.  He  could  swagger 
through  an  Indian  council ;  hector  the  chiefs,  and  threaten 
the  tribe  with  the  wrath  of  the  Governor,  the  army,  the 
King,  etc.,  till  they  got  to  look  at  him  as  some  mighty  poten- 
tate who  never  could  be  touched.  And  yet  this  fierce  eccle- 
siastical mustachio  was  the  apostle  of  the  babies.  During 
his  apostolate  of  thirty-five  years  he  baptized  10,000  of  them, 
and  sent  them  to  heaven.  He  was  so  beloved  at  La  Prairie 
that  when  there  was  question  of  his  being  replaced  as  Supe- 
rior, young  and  old  were  in  consternation,  and  mournful 
prophecies  were  made  about  his  succesor.  Rochemonteix  is 
very  careful  to  tell  us  that  he  was  not  generously  equipped 
with  theological  science,  but  that  there  was  no  doubt  about 
his  sanctity;  that  if  he  were  not  an  exquisitely  cultured 
scholar,  he  had  the  saving  grace  of  common  sense,  and  pos- 
sesed  to  an  eminent  degree  the  master  gifts  of  an  apostle : 
piety,  perseverance,  and  courage.  Surely  that  sufficed. 
Treatises  on  sanctifying  grace  would  have  availed  little  with 
the  Wolf,  the  Bear,  and  the  Tortoise. 

He  was  born  in  Rheims,  March  12,  1628,  entered  the  So- 
ciety at  Paris  in  1646,  and  started  for  Canada  in  1655.  In 
the  following  year  he  went  with  Dablon  and  the  fifty  French- 
men to  Ononclaga,  and  remained  there  till  the  mission  col- 
lapsed in  1658.  To  what  particular  tribe  he  was  assigned 
we  do  not  know,  but  on  his  return  to  Quebec  the  Superior 
thought  it  opportune  to  send  him  to  France  for  his  tertian- 
ship.  He  pronounced  his  last  vows  when  he  returned  to 
America  in  1660.  To  have  been  on  such  a  dangerous  mis- 
sion prior  to  his  profession  is  a  tribute  to  the  solidity  of  his 
virtue. 

Six  years  elapsed  from  that  time  till  he  made  his  second 

172 


JAMES   FREMIN. 

entry  into  New  York.  He  is  mentioned  as  having'  been, 
meantime,  with  the  Micmacs  at  Cape  Breton,  which  is  as 
far  from  Quebec,  on  one  side,  as  Onondaga  on  the  other. 
Again  he  was  stationed  at  La  Prairie,  which  he  was  to  evan- 
gelize later;  and  probably  he  was  laboring-  at  Cape  de  la 
Madeleine,  opposite  Three  Rivers,  when  the  call  came  for 
volunteers  to  re-establish  the  abandoned  Iroquois  missions 
after  the  peace  of  1666,  and  we  find  him  with  Bruyas  and 
Pierron  accepting  the  worst  tribe  of  the  Federation,  the  Mo- 
hawks, and  coming  down  to  Gandaouage,  around  which 
were  still  clinging  the  bloody  memories  of  Jogues,  Poncet 
and  Bressani.  Fremin  describes  it  as  "  the  exact  spot '' 
where  Jogues  had  been  martyred.  It  was  consequently  not 
on  the  other  side  of  the  river,  six  miles  away,  as  some 
pretend. 

They  welcomed  its  shelter,  for  the  Mohegans  were  pur- 
suing them.  That  is  the  reason,  perhaps,  why  they  delayed 
two  days  before  visiting  Tionnontoguen,  the  capital,  fifteen 
miles  up  the  river,  the  place  which  the  readers  of  Jogues1 
Life  will  remember  was  one  of  the  stations  where  the  martyr 
was  tortured  in  1642.  Its  resemblance  to  Gandaouage  or 
Ossernenon  is  very  striking  in  its  strategical  advantages,  for 
in  both  places  you  can  look  far  up  and  down  the  river. 
Though  the  scenery  at  Ossernenon  is  remarkably  beautiful, 
Tionnontoguen  surpasses  it.  As  on  the  St.  Lawrence  at 
Quebec,  the  river  seems  to  end  in  the  mountains  that  close 
it  in  far  below  towards  the  East. 

The  reception  at  Tionnontoguen  was  remarkable  for  the 
enthusiasm  which  characterized  it.  Two  hundred  warriors 
met  the  missionaries  outside  the  village,  and  conducted  them 
to  a  place  where  they  were  formally  welcomed  by  the  orator 
of  the  tribe.  "  The  hoary  heads,"  says  the  Relation,  "  and 
the  sachems  proceeded  with  admirable  gravity  to  the  en- 
trance of  the  palisade,  where  we  were  received  with  a  dis- 
charge of  all  the  artillery  available,  each  one  firing  his  mus- 

173 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

ket  from  his  cabin,  and  two  swivel  guns  doing  duty  at  both 
ends  of  the  village." 

The  feast  of  the  Holy  Cross,  September  14,  was  chosen 
by  the  missionaries  as  the  proper  day  for  presenting  their 
gifts  and  explaining  the  motive  of  their  coming.  They 
opened  the  proceedings  with  a  prayer  and  the  singing  of  the 
Veni  Creator,  which  delighted  the  savages,  but  the  musical 
instruments  which  accompanied  the  chant  quite  captured 
them.  Fremin  was  the  orator,  as  he  was  the  only  one  who 
could  speak  Iroquois,  having  learned  it  while  he  labored 
in  the  Onondaga  country,  ten  years  previously.  He 
purposely  assumed  a  very  imperious  tone,  reproached  the 
Indians  bitterly  for  having  broken  the  peace,  and  threatened 
all  sorts  of  things  if  they  did  it  again.  "  But,  in  order  to  in- 
spire them  with  greater  terror  and  to  make  a  deeper  impres- 
sion on  their  minds,  as  these  peoples  are  greatly  influenced 
by  external  phenomena,"  says  the  writer,  "  the  Father 
caused  to  be  erected  in  the  middle  of  the  place  where  the 
council  was  being  held  a  pole  of  forty  or  fifty  feet  in  length, 
from  the  top  of  which  hung  a  porcelain  necklace.  He  de- 
clared that  in  like  manner  should  be  hanged  the  first  of  the 
Iroquois  who  should  kill  a  Frenchman  or  any  one  of  the 
allies." 

"  It  is  incredible,"  he  continues,  "  how  this  present,  sus- 
pended in  the  air,  astounded  them  all.  They  remained  for 
a  long  time  with  their  heads  down,  not  daring  to  look  at  it 
or  talk  about  it,  until  the  most  prominent  and  eloquent  of 
their  orators,  having  recovered  his  spirits,  arose  and  per- 
formed all  the  apish  tricks  imaginable  around  the  pole  to 
show  his  astonishment.  It  is  impossible  to  describe  all  the 
gesticulations  made  by  this  old  fellow,  who  was  more  than 
sixty  years  of  age.  What  looks  of  surprise  he  pretended  at 
the  sight  of  it  as  if  he  did  not  know  its  meaning!  What 
exclamations  upon  finding  out  its  secret!  How  he  seized 
himself  by  the  throat  with  both  his  hands  in  a  horrible  man- 
ner, squeezing  it  tightly  to  give  a  picture,  and  at  the  same 

174 


JAMES   FREMIN. 

time  to  inspire  a  horror  of  this  kind  of  death !  In  a  word, 
he  employed  all  the  artifices  of  the  most  excellent  orators, 
and  ended  by  delivering  to  us  the  captives  for  whom  we  had 
asked,  and  giving  us  the  choice  of  a  site  for  a  chapel."  It 
was  fine  play  between  the  civilized  and  savage  politician. 

Tionnontoguen  was  a  difficult  place  to  live  in  at  any  time, 
for  the  Iroquois,  at  his  best,  was  a  brute,  but  when  drunken- 
ness was  added  to  his  power  of  evil,  the  missionaries  had 
death  continually  staring  them  in  the  face.  On  the  other 
hand,  a  number  of  Huron  captives  were  found  there,  who, 
in  spite  of  having  been  left  so  long  without  spiritual  aid, 
had  bravely  adhered  to  the  faith.  In  one  village  of  that  dis- 
trict, forty-five  of  them  were  discovered  who  had  the  custom 
of  meeting  in  some  secluded  spot,  to  rehearse  what  they  had 
heard  in  their  Huron  homes,  and  to  repeat  what  they  could 
recall  of  their  former  religious  practices.  Some  of  them 
regularly  assembled  for  the  rosary,  and  one  of  their  number 
kept  track  of  the  days  of  the  week,  so  that  they  might  ob- 
serve Sundays  and  holidays  by  some  act  of  devotion.  They 
were  like  the  Jews  weeping  at  the  waters  of  Babylon,  though 
the  North  American  savage,  strictly  speaking,  rarely  wept. 

On  November  10,  1668,  a  delegation  of  Senecas  arrived 
at  Montreal  to  ask  for  priests,  and  a  similar  embassy  was 
sent  to  Father  Fremin,  who  was  then  the  head  of  the  New 
York  Missions.  He  accepted  the  offer  for  himself,  and 
started  for  the  Seneca  country  early  in  October,  1668,  arriv- 
ing there  on  All  Saints'  Day.  As  he  was  a  sort  of  ambassa- 
dor he  was  received  with  great  ceremony,  and  a  chapel  was 
immediately  built  for  him.  But  a  general  war  was  going  on 
with  the  Ottawas,  Andastes  or  Susquehannas,  and  the  Mo- 
hegans,  and  so  the  Seneca  braves  who  were  out  murdering 
their  enemies  were  left  untouched  by  the  missionaries'  zeal. 
But  there  were  multitudes  of  Christian  Hurons  to  be  looked 
after;  there  were  dying  babies  to  be  baptized;  there  were 
Christian  captives  burning  at  the  stake  to  be  shrived,  and 
an  epidemic  was  ravaging  the  towns  at  the  same  time,  so 

175 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

that  work  was  not  lacking.  Fremin's  influence  grew  apace, 
and  in  spite  of  the  wrath  of  the  medicine  men  and  the  un- 
concern of  the  depraved  people  around  him,  the  Indian  stoi- 
cism began  to  give  way  to  better  dispositions. 

In  August,  he  set  out  for  the  home  of  the  Cayugas,  who 
were  in  three  towns  about  a  mile  from  each  other,  near  Lake 
Tiohero,  which  is  a  mile  east  of  the  present  Cayuga.  It 
happened  in  the  natural  course  of  his  work,  but  his  de- 
parture just  at  that  time  has  been  made  the  subject  of 
a  historic  reproach.  He  is  accused  of  deliberately  deserting 
his  fellow  countrymen  in  distress.  In  this  instance  the  coun- 
trymen were  no  other  than  the  illustrious  La  Salle  and  his 
party,  who  had  come  to  the  Seneca  town  for  assistance. 

La  Salle  had  been  a  Jesuit  scholastic  in  France  and  was 
known  simply  as  Robert  Ignace  Cavelier.  It  was  only  in 
America  that  he  assumed  the  high  sounding  appellation  of 
Cavelier  de  la  Salle.  His  restless  disposition  prompted  the 
Superiors  to  dismiss  him,  although  he  was  extremely  eager 
to  devote  himself  to  the  American  missions.  As  a  teacher 
in  the  colleges  he  had  completely  failed,  in  spite  of  his  mag- 
nificent presence,  or  perhaps  because  of  it.  Coming  to 
America,  he  allied  himself  closely  to  the  Sulpitians,  his 
brother  happening  to  be  one  of  them.  His  unfriendliness  to 
his  former  associates,  the  Jesuits,  showed  itself  on  all  occa- 
sions. His  purpose,  he  said,  was  to  discover  the  passage  to 
China,  and  possibly  it  was  for  that  reason  that  when  the 
Sulpitians  gave  him  a  large  tract  of  land  near  the  Sault 
above  Montreal  it  was  called  in  derision  La  Chine.  It  is 
not  true  that  he  ever  built  any  fortifications  there. 

When  in  1667  a  deputation  of  Senecas  came  to  Montreal 
to  ask  for  missionaries,  they  stopped  at  La  Chine  and  told 
La  Salle  of  the  Ohio  River,  which  emptied,  they  said,  in  the 
South  Sea.  La  Salle  immediately  took  fire,  sold  part  of  La 
Chine  to  the  Sulpitians,  who  had  given  it  to  him  for  nothing, 
and  set  out  for  Quebec  to  ask  permission  to  organize  an  ex- 
pedition. There  he  met  the  Abbe  Dollier,  who  was  plan- 

176 


JAMES   FREMIN. 

ning  the  discovery  of  the  Mississippi,  and  they  were  induced 
by  the  authorities  to  unite  their  forces.  They  set  out  with 
a  small  flotilla  of  canoes,  the  Intendant  Talon  thanking 
God  that  the  Government  did  not  have  to  bear  the  expense  of 
the  expedition.  He  had  strong  doubts  about  its  success. 

La  Salle  gave  Dollier  the  impression  that  he  knew  all 
about  the  country  and  was  familiar  with  the  Iroquois  lan- 
guages. Both  assertions,  however,  lacked  foundation,  and 
that  explains  why  a  short  time  afterwards  La  Salle  found 
himself  in  the  Seneca  country  looking  for  a  guide  and  an 
interpreter. 

When  he  arrived  there,  Fremin  had  already  left,  to  visit 
the  Cayugas  and  prepare  for  the  coming  synod  at  Onondaga. 
Whether  he  knew  that  La  Salle  was  coming  or  not,  it  was 
fortunate  that  he  absented  himself.  He  knew  the  character 
of  the  man  who,  as  Parkman  says,  had  a  great  esteem  for 
priests,  except  Jesuits.  There  might  have  been  some  ex- 
plosion of  anger  which  would  have  been  uncomfortable,  at 
least  in  the  presence  of  the  Indians.  Charlevoix  speaks 
very  kindly  of  La  Salle,  but  B.  Suite  in  his  "  Compte  de 
Frontenac "  describes  him  as  taciturn,  gloomy,  at  times 
brutal,  like  a  man  who  sees  ghosts,  repellant  and  solitary." 
Fremin  did  well  to  avoid  him  if  he  knew  of  his  coming. 

The  Indians,  however,  received  him  cordially  when,  as 
Parkman  relates,  "  they  found  themselves  in  the  midst  of  a 
disorderly  cluster  of  large  but  filthy  abodes  of  bark,  about  a 
hundred  and  fifty  in  number,  the  largest  of  which  was 
assigned  to  their  use."  But  other  things  met  their  gaze,  and 
we  have  from  the  pen  of  Galinee,  La  Salle's  chaplain,  a  pic- 
ture of  conditions  there. 

"  A  young  captive  was  brought  in  to  be  burned,  and  I 
wanted  to  buy  him,  but  was  refused,  and  I  saw  the  most 
miserable  spectacle  I  ever  beheld  in  my  life.  The  prisoner 
was  tied  to  a  stake  and  tortured  for  six  hours  with  diabolical 
ingenuity,  while  the  crowd  danced  and  yelled  with  delight, 
and  the  chiefs  and  elders  sat  in  view  smoking  their  pipes 
12  177 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

and  watching  the  contortions  of  the  victim  with  an  air  of 
serene  enjoyment.  The  body  was  at  last  cut  up  and  eaten, 
and  in  the  evening  the  whole  population  occupied  themselves 
in  scaring  away  the  angry  ghosts  by  beating  with  sticks 
against  the  bark  sides  of  their  lodges." 

Such  was  the  scene  which  met  these  chance  visitors  to 
Gandougare.  They  were  common  occurrences  for  Father 
Fremin.  Unfortunately  La  Salle's  chaplain  was  unable  to 
help  the  dying  wretch,  who  may  have  been  a  Christian 
Huron ;  whereas  these  burnings  furnished  abundant  harvests 
for  the  missionaries,  who  often  risked  their  lives  in  assisting 
the  victims. 

After  waiting  for  a  couple  of  weeks,  La  Salle  had  to  de- 
part without  a  guide;  but  it  is  unjust  to  impute  his  failure 
to  any  desire  on  Fremin's  part  to  thwart  his  work  of  ex- 
ploration. 

Whether  La  Salle  returned  to  Montreal  or  not  we  do  not 
know,  but  there  is  a  Memoir,  purporting  to  be  his,  which 
says  that  he  reached  the  Ohio,  though  no  date  is  given,  that 
he  followed  its  course  until  he  reached  one  of  its  tributaries 
coming  from  the  Northeast,  the  Miami  or  the  Scioto,  and 
that  finally  he  stopped  within  300  miles  of  the  Mississippi  at 
the  rapids  of  Louisville  in  Kentucky.  What  he  did  until 
1673,  the  year  of  Marquette's  discovery,  is  not  known.  In 
1670  Perrot  met  him  hunting  on  the  Ottawa,  and,  according 
to  B.  Suite,  he  was  at  Sault  Ste.  Marie  June  14,  1671,  when 
the  French  Representative  took  possession  of  those  coun- 
tries. It  is  only  an  anonymous  account  published  in  1678 
or  1680,  which  makes  him  go  by  Lakes  Huron  and  Michigan 
to  the  Illinois  River,  by  which  route  it  is  claimed  he  reached 
the  Mississippi.  La  Salle's  own  Memoir,  written  in  1677, 
never  even  mentions  the  name  Mississippi.  Whither,  there- 
fore, the  traveller  directed  his  steps  after  leaving  the  Senecas 
no  one  seems  to  know. 

Fremin's  visit  to  Cayuga  was  of  short  duration.  He  ar- 
rived there  on  the  10th,  and  on  the  26th  of  August  he  was 

178 


JAMES   FREMIN. 

presiding  at  a  general  meeting  of  all  the  missionaries.  They 
assembled  at  Onondaga.  There  were  present  Bruyas  from 
Oneida,  Pierron  from  the  Mohawk,  de  Carheil  from 
Cayuga,  and  Gamier  from  the  Senecas.  They  remained 
there  for  a  week,  praying  and  planning  for  the  success  of 
their  missions.  Even  while  they  were  discussing  their  plans 
of  spiritual  conquest,  the  air  was  full  of  threats.  Some  Iro- 
quois  had  been  murdered  near  Montreal,  and  the  people  were 
wild  with  excitement.  Only  a  word  from  some  furious  or 
drunken  Indian  was  needed  to  have  every  priest  butchered 
on  the  spot.  That  26th  of  August,  1669,  should  be  a  mem- 
orable day  in  the  annals  of  New  York  Ecclesiastical  History 
as  that  of  its  First  Ecclesiastical  Synod. 

Why  did  they  choose  Onondaga  for  this  meeting?  Be- 
cause it  was  the  capital  of  the  Iroquois  Confederacy.  It  had 
a  great  council  house,  to  which  the  delegates  of  the  Five 
Nations  came  to  discuss  the  affairs  of  State.  It  had  streets 
regularly  laid  out,  which  for  an  Indian  town  were  faily  well 
kept.  It  was  situated  on  what  is  now  known  as  Indian  Hill, 
opposite  Pompey,  and  between  the  ravines  formed  by  the 
west  and  middle  branches  of  Limestone  Creek.  "  It  was 
there,"  according  to  Hawley's  Cayuga,  "  that  the  first 
chapel  was  built  in  the  State  of  New  York."  At  least,  it  is 
probable  that  Father  Le  Moyne  drove  his  stake  at  that  place ; 
a  ceremony  equivalent  to  the  laying  of  a  corner  stone.  We 
do  not  know  if  Fremin  saw  there  the  same  horrors  which 
de  Lamberville  was  compelled  to  witness  thirteen  years 
later. 

From  Onondaga,  Fremin  returned  to  the  Seneca  town  of 
Gandougare,  which,  however,  had  been  mostly  given  up  to 
the  captives  from  other  tribes,  among  whom  were  many 
Christian  Hurons.  Father  Gamier  was  with  him,  and  it 
was  there  they  were  both  set  upon  by  a  drunken  savage.  Fre- 
min describing  it,  says  that  Gamier  was  in  considerable  dan- 
ger of  being  killed,  but  he  conceals  the  fact  that  he  himself 
came  off  worse  than  his  companion  in  that  encounter,  and 

179 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

bore  the  marks  of  the  fight  a  long  time  afterwards.  But, 
in  spite  of  this  episode,  he  went  on  with  his  companion  to  a 
more  distant  post,  and  after  a  spell  of  sickness,  probably  the 
result  of  his  ill-treatment  at  Gandougare,  returned  to  his 
mission,  where  his  faithful  Hurons  by  their  excellent  lives 
atoned  for  the  wickedness  of  the  pagans  around  them.  The 
innate  vice  of  the  savage  would  supply  trouble  enough, 
but  the  Dutch  and  English  were  deluging  the  place  with  fire- 
water. 

Added  to  the  evil  of  drink  was  the  dream  superstition. 
What  an  Indian  dreamed,  he  performed  as  a  religous  duty, 
no  matter  how  hard  or  horrible.  Fortunately,  no  one  just 
then  dreamed  of  killing  the  priest. 

However,  it  was  not  only  the  Huron  captives  who  con- 
soled him.  He  made  wonderful  converts  among  the  Sen- 
ecas  themselves,  in  the  short  time  he  was  there,  notably  a 
famous  chief,  who  had  been  Le  Moyne's  host  twelve  years 
before,  and  who  spent  his  life  afterwards  in  winning  con- 
verts to  the  faith.  The  usual  burning  of  captives  went  on, 
however,  satisfying  the  hate  of  the  Senecas,  but  giving  the 
missionary  a  chance  for  many  a  baptism.  One  of  the  vic- 
tims, he  tells  us,  was  a  Susquehanna  Indian,  who  had  come 
under  the  influence  of  the  Maryland  Jesuits  and  was  well 
instructed  in  the  faith.  The  poor  wretch  never  thought  he 
would  meet  some  of  the  brethren  of  his  old  spiritual  guides 
to  stand  near  him  at  the  stake  when  he  was  burning  to  death 
in  the  wilderness  of  New  York. 

The  dreadful  surroundings  in  which  the  converted  In- 
dians were  compelled  to  live,  and  the  extreme  difficulty  of 
their  remaining  true  to  their  teaching  necessarily  prompted 
the  early  missionaries  to  look  around  for  a  remedy.  An 
attempt  had  already  met  with  success  in  a  settlement  of  the 
Abenakis  at  Sillery,  and  of  the  Hurons  at  Isle  d'Orleans, 
so  Father  Raffeix  proposed  to  establish  an  Iroquois  settle- 
ment near  Montreal.  The  Jesuits  had  some  land  at  La 
Prairie,  and  there  the  first  feeble  effort  was  made.  Its 

180 


CAUGHNAWAGA    INDIANS. 


JAMES   FREMIN. 

small  success,  however,  prompted  the  desire  to  place  it  on  a 
solid  foundation,  and  at  the  request  of  the  Governor  de 
Courcelles,  Fremin  was  recalled  from  New  York  and  put 
in  charge  of  the  colony.  A  glance  at  his  work  there  may 
help  us  to  understand  the  spiritual  capabilities  of  the  New 
York  Indians.  In  fact,  that  settlement  of  La  Prairie,  or 
Caughnawaga,  was  a  piece  of  New  York  territory,  so  to 
say,  transported  to  the  St.  Lawrence. 

Fremin's  military  instincts  immediately  found  an  oppor- 
tunity for  their  exercise  in  fighting  the  liquor  traffic,  an  evil 
of  which  the  French  were  as  guilty  as  the  Dutch  or  English, 
but  he  never  ceased  till  he  had  secured  a  complete  victory. 
Father  Chauchetiere's  Report  to  the  Superiors  tells  us : 
"  We  have  here  no  other  demon  to  contend  against  but 
liquor  and  drunkenness,  which  make  a  hell  of  all  the  Iro- 
quois  villages,  where  life  is  a  continual  suffering.  The 
French  are  responsible  for  the  trouble  here,  for  in  order  to 
strip  the  savages  to  their  very  shirts  they  follow  them  every- 
where to  make  them  drunk."  "  It  is  admirable,"  he  con- 
tinues, "  how  some  of  our  Christian  savages  distinguish 
themselves  in  repressing  this  evil.  They  spill  the  liquor, 
they  break  the  bottles  with  incredible  courage,  exposing 
themselves  to  insults  and  blows  of  which  some  still  bear  the 
marks;  but  in  spite  of  all  that  they  do  not  lose  courage.  I 
know  three  or  four  who  would  endure  martyrdom  to  pre- 
vent anything  from  being  done  to  offend  God.  They  are 
no  longer  guided  by  the  French,  whom  they  had  hitherto 
considered  good  Christians,  but  who,  they  now  see  plainly, 
are  not." 

Some  of  the  fine  old  chiefs,  like  Kryn,  "  The  Great  Mo- 
hawk," and  Hot  Ashes  and  a  relative  of  Kryn,  a  remarkable 
young  Indian,  who  was  like  an  Aloysius  in  his  piety  and 
purity,  were  strong  temperance  apostles,  going  around 
everywhere,  not  only  at  La  Prairie,  but  in  their  old  home  in 
New  York,  to  induce  their  people  to  stop  drinking  and  be- 
come Christians. 

181 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

In  spite  of  the  great  occasions  of  sin  which  were  delib- 
erately thrust  upon  the  red  men  by  the  whites,  the  accounts 
that  have  come  down  to  us  about  the  Christanity  of  Caugh- 
nawaga  are  little  short  of  amazing.  The  success  of  the 
undertaking  was  chiefly  due  to  Fremin.  He  made  it  a  rule 
that  no  one  could  be  admitted  to  the  colony  who  would  not 
abstain  from  polygamy,  successive  or  simultaneous,  and 
from  drunkenness;  and  who  would  not  give  up  the  dream 
superstition.  Every  one  had  to  make  a  public  profession 
of  faith  on  these  three  points.  Chiefs  were  appointed  to 
enforce  the  law,  and  culprits  were  summarily  dealt  with  by 
ignominious  and  immediate  expulsion.  Even  transient  vis- 
itors were  compelled  to  submit  to  these  laws.  The  result 
was  that  Dablon  did  not  hesitate  to  compare  Caughnawaga 
to  Paraguay.  This  satisfactory  state  of  things  endured 
long  after  Fremin's  time,  and  we  have  an  official  letter  of 
Bishop  St.  Valier  which  says  that  "  the  piety  I  saw  there 
surpassed  anything  I  had  imagined,  or  that  had  been  re- 
ported to  me."  He  gives  instances  of  virtue  little  less  than 
heroic,  and  adds :  "What  I  say  is  not  said  to  please.  It  is 
an  exact  account  of  the  actual  state  of  things.  The  French 
are  so  charmed  with  .what  they  see  that  they  often  go  to 
unite  with  the  Indians  in  prayer,  and  to  revive  their  own 
devotion  by  the  sight  of  the  fervor  which  they  wonder  at 
in  a  people  who  were  savage  such  a  short  time  ago."  These 
Caughnawagas  were  known  among  the  Indians  as  "  those 
who  do  not  drink  and  who  pray  to  God  right." 

Their  fervor  is  not  surprising  when  we  remember  that 
Catherine  Tegakwitha  was  there,  and  Anastasia,  and  Cath- 
erine Ganeaktena,  all  remarkable  for  their  exalted  virtue. 
Nor  was  piety  the  exclusive  prerogative  of  the  women. 
Omitting  others  who  might  be  mentioned  among  the  men, 
was  the  young  Mohawk  Aloysius  Skandegorhaksen,  a  hand- 
some youth  of  twenty,  who  is  described  by  the  missionaries 
as  "  born  solely  for  sanctity."  As  soon  as  he  arrived  at  La 
Prairie,  only  religious  matters  interested  him;  and  his  in- 

182 


JAMES   FREMIN. 

telligence  of  the  doctrines  of  the  Faith  was  such  that  Fre- 
min  baptized  him  after  two  months'  instruction,  although 
two  or  three  years'  probation  was  the  usual  time  for  an  In- 
dian brave.  In  his  case  there  was  no  mistake  of  judgment. 
For  the  fervent  young  Indian  was  in  the  chapel  every  morn- 
ing at  4  o'clock  and  heard  two  masses;  he  repeatedly  came 
to  adore  the  Blessed  Sacrament  during  the  day  at  fixed 
hours,  as  if  he  were  following  a  rule  of  a  religious  com- 
munity, making  as  many  as  four  visits  in  the  course  of  the 
day,  the  last  one  as  late  as  nine  o'clock  at  night.  His  devo- 
tion in  the  chapel  astounded  the  French  who  saw  him,  and 
what  time  was  not  given  to  good  works  outside  he  spent  in 
praying  and  singing  hymns  in  his  cabin,  in  which  practice 
he  induced  many  Indians  to  join  him.  His  conscience  was 
as  delicate  as  a  nun's,  and  his  purity  like  that  of  an  angel, 
though  he  was  constantly  exposed  to  the  most  frightful 
temptations.  He  even  dared  to  go  down  to  his  old  home  on 
the  Mohawk  to  preach  in  the  cabins,  and  especially  to  re- 
claim an  old  companion  from  an  evil  life.  He  contracted  a 
sickness  while  hunting  in  mid-winter,  and  died  in  the  bloom 
of  his  youth.  To  those  who  gathered  around  him  he  spoke 
of  the  happiness  of  heaven,  expressed  his  hope  of  soon  en- 
joying it,  and  exhorted  them  all  to  be  faithful  to  the  prac- 
tice of  their  religion.  During  his  delirium  he  was  con- 
stantly repeating  the  "  Hail  Mary "  and  making  acts  of 
virtue  which  revealed  the  habit  that  had  been  the  practice 
of  his  life.  His  only  regret  was  that  he  had  not  the  happi- 
ness of  dying  in  the  arms  of  Father  Fremin,  who  was  absent 
at  the  time,  and  he  gave  minute  directions  to  pay  out  of  the 
poor  effects  he  possessed  some  little  debts  which  he  had  con- 
tracted. 

The  Fathers  made  use  of  this  occasion  to  change  the  cus- 
tom prevalent  among  the  Indians  of  burying  the  goods  of 
the  dead  or  using  them  for  superstitious  purposes.  They 
induced  the  relatives  to  give  them  to  the  poor,  and  in  this 
instance  invested  the  distribution  of  them  with  more  than 

183 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

usual  solemnity.  The  chiefs  assembled  and  made  grand 
speeches  about  the  virtues  of  the  dead ;  they  gave  belts  to  the 
people,  which  they  called  the  voice  of  the  dead,  to  engage 
them  to  imitate  the  virtues  of  the  deceased;  and  then  be- 
stowed upon  the  most  needy  whatever  they  found  in  the 
cabin.  Father  Fremin  had  returned  by  this  time  and  pre- 
sided at  the  ceremony. 

This  young  brave  was  only  one  of  the  many  examples 
that  made  Caughnawaga  so  beautiful  in  those  days.  The 
very  fervent  ones  went  almost  to  excess  in  their  practice  of 
piety.  They  had,  for  instance,  heard  of  the  austerities  prac- 
ticed by  the  nuns  and  religious,  and  they  determined  to  imi- 
tate them,  and  secretly  began  a  series  of  penances  such  as 
scourging  themselves,  plunging  into  icy  water,  standing 
naked  in  the  snow  and  the  like,  sometimes  with  fatal  results, 
until  the  Fathers  found  it  out  and  regulated  their  excess  of 
fervor.  The  cases  of  conscience  proposed  to  the  priests 
amazed  them,  as  did  the  wonderful  appreciation  of  spiritual 
truths  by  these  savage  hearts,  such  a  short  time  before  bru- 
talized by  all  sorts  of  vice.  They  became  gentle  and  patient 
and  forgiving,  and  found  delight  in  helping  each  other  and 
working  for  the  poor  and  the  sick,  visiting  them  in  their 
cabins,  consoling  them  in  their  sorrows,  and  assisting  them 
at  the  moment  of  death. 

All  this  seems  idyllic,  but  it  is  vouched  for  in  the  Rela- 
tions; and  perhaps  we  can  get  a  composite  picture  of  it  all 
in  the  detailed  description  that  Dablon  has  left  us  of  two 
famous  visits  which  were  paid  to  Caughnawaga  in  these 
early  days.  The  account  is  too  long  to  quote  in  its  entirety, 
but  the  exquisitely  simple  narrative  which  may  be  found  in 
the  LIX  volume  of  the  Relations  will  repay  the  perusal. 

The  first  tells  of  the  pastoral  visit  of  the  holy  Bishop  de 
Laval.  The  village  streets  and  public  square  were  cleaned, 
the  houses  were  made  ready,  and  great  branches  of  trees 
were  brought  from  the  forests  to  make  an  archway  of  green 
all  the  way  from  the  landing  on  the  river  to  the  village 

184 


JAMES   FREMIN. 

church;  along  which  at  intervals  were  bowers  where  the 
bishop  was  to  stop  to  receive  the  solemn  welcome  of  the 
tribe. 

At  the  appointed  time  the  canoe  of  the  bishop  was  seen 
out  on  the  wide  expanse  of  water  that  separates  Caughna- 
waga  from  the  other  side.  As  the  great  prelate  was  apos- 
tolic in  all  his  surroundings,  he  came  in  very  simple  attire, 
attended  by  only  one  ecclesiastic.  Any  one  who  has  trav- 
elled the  six  miles  of  river  which  separate  La  Chine  from 
the  Reservation  knows  that  making  such  a  crossing  in  a 
canoe  was  fraught  with  considerable  danger.  But  the 
weather  that  day  was  exceptionally  fine,  and  as  soon  as  the 
frail  bark  was  sighted  the  church  bells  began  to  ring  and 
Father  Dablon  embarked  in  his  own  canoe  and  saluted  his 
Lordship  a  quarter  of  a  league  from  shore.  Every  one 
hastened  to  the  landing  place.  They  were  arranged  in  order 
and  Father  Fremin  stood  on  the  right  with  the  red  men, 
while  Cholenec  was  on  the  left  with  the  whites.  "  When 
Monseigneur's  canoe  was  within  speaking  distance  the  chief 
of  the  Hurons,  who  had  taken  his  place  with  his  sachems 
on  the  landing  station,  cried  out :  "  Bishop,  stop  thy  canoe, 
and  hear  what  I  have  to  say  to  thee."  The  bishop,  some- 
what amused  at  the  order,  obeyed  and  heard  a  eulogy  of  his 
talents,  his  virtue  and  his  office  pronounced  by  the  chief. 
Another  orator  followed  in  the  same  strain.  He  then  landed 
and  donned  some  of  his  episcopal  robes,  and  when  he  had 
given  his  blessing  to  the  kneeling  Indians,  Father  Fremin 
intoned  the  Veni  Creator  in  Iroquois,  the  men  and  women 
taking  up  the  strain.  The  procession  then  moved  up  the 
shaded  walk.  When  they  reached  the  first  bower,  an  Onon- 
daga  and  an  Oneida  sachem  addressed  the  prelate,  and  at 
the  third  station,  which  was  at  the  door  of  the  church,  a 
Mohawk  made  an  address,  which  was  particularly  solemn. 
Taking  off  his  hat,  he  made  a  great  sign  of  the  cross,  and 
raised  his  arms  to  heaven  to  thank  God  for  having  sent  them 
the  bishop,  following  with  the  usual  praise  of  the  illustrious 

185 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

visitor.  They  then  entered  the  church,  singing  the  Pange 
lingua,  Ave  Marts  Stella  and  Domine  salvum  fac  re  gem, 
after  which  the  Indians  in  alternate  choirs  of  men  and 
women  sang  the  Tantum  Ergo. 

Then  followed  the  reception.  The  people  all  knelt  to  kiss 
the  bishop's  hand;  while  he  addressed  a  kind  word  to  all, 
especially  to  those  who  had  been  reported  to  him  as  being 
particularly  fervent  and  devout.  Early  next  morning  he 
baptized  some  and  married  others,  and  then  celebrated  mass 
"  during  which  our  savages,"  says  the  account,  "  sang 
hymns  and  received  Holy  Communion;  the  bishop  preach- 
ing, and  Father  Fremin  interpreting."  A  grand  feast  fol- 
lowed in  the  principal  lodge,  which  the  Indians  did  their 
best  to  make  as  splendid  as  possible.  During  the  banquet 
"  there  were  addresses  and  songs  and  similar  ceremonies," 
and  then  the  good  bishop  visited  the  houses  of  the  village, 
each  of  which  had  branches,  handsome  mats,  fine  blankets 
and  costly  furs  spread  to  do  him  honor.  He  charmed  them 
all  by  his  sweetness  and  benignity,  and  then  conferred  the 
sacrament  of  Confirmation  on  those  who  were  prepared. 
Some  Frenchmen  profited  by  the  occasion  to  be  confirmed. 
Finally  next  morning  he  said  Mass  for  the  people  again, 
at  which  they  all  assisted  "  and  sang  very  well,  as  theyj 
usually  do,"  says  the  story ;  and  then,  wearied  but  delighted, 
he  set  out  for  Montreal.  When  he  was  on  the  point  of 
stepping  into  his  canoe  the  people  all  knelt  to  receive  his 
benediction,  and  "  they  followed  him  with  their  eyes  as  far 
as  they  could  see.  He  carried  away  all  hearts  while  leaving 
them  his  own."  It  was  the  first  episcopal  visitation  to  the 
Indians  of  New  York. 

This  very  interesting  account  informs  us  that  during  the 
Mass  on  the  first  day  of  the  bishop's  arival  a  messenger 
arrived  from  Quebec  "  with  the  saddest  news  that  could  be 
brought  to  an  Indian  village  " — namely,  that  some  of  their 
hunters,  about  whom  they  had  long  been  anxious,  had  been 
killed.  Ordinarily,  upon  the  receipt  of  such  tidings  the 

186 


JAMES  FREMIN. 

relatives  of  the  dead  shut  themselves  up  in  their  cabins  and 
give  way  to  lamentations.  Nevertheless,  not  only  did  they 
not  do  so  on  this  occasion,  but  attended  divine  service,  at 
which  they  received  the  sacraments  of  Penance,  the  Euchar- 
ist, and  Confirmation.  Even  the  wife  of  the  chief  of  the 
party,  afflicted  as  she  was,  not  only  attended  to  all  her  devo- 
tions, but  offered  the  pain  benit  to  the  congregation,  and, 
adds  the  missionary,  "  she  took  up  the  collection  in  the 
church  with  all  the  good  breeding  of  a  French  lady  and  with 
infinitely  greater  modesty  and  self-possession  and  resigna- 
tion to  God's  will."  Happily  it  turned  out  to  be  a  false 
report. 

The  other  visit  was  that  of  a  layman,  Monsieur  ITnten- 
dant,  whom  Dablon  styles  "  that  illustrious  minister  of  His 
Majesty,  whose  coming  has  been  so  fortunate  for  New 
France,  and  who  by  his  piety,  his  kindness,  his  integrity,  as 
well  as  his  anxiety  to  oblige  and  his  application  to  business, 
so  worthily  fulfills  his  great  office."  Unfortunately,  "  this 
illustrious  Minister  of  His  Majesty  "  was  from  the  outset 
at  odds  with  Frontenac,  and  the  unfriendliness  quickly  de- 
veloped into  positive  hostility.  After  trying  to  adjust  their 
differences,  Louis  XIV  at  last  lost  patience  and  recalled  both 
to  France,  May  10,  1682.  The  Intendant  was  Jacques 
Duchesneau,  the  Sieur  de  la  Doussiniere,  who  came  to 
Canada  in  1675. 

It  was  before  the  controversy  with  the  Governor  had  be- 
come acute  that  he  visited  Caughnawaga.  With  him  were 
"  his  eldest  son  and  Perrot,  the  Governor  of  Montreal,  and 
also  fifty  notables  of  the  country,  among  them  Monsieur  le 
Cure  of  Montreal.  The  Indians  were  delighted  to  see  him  ar- 
rive in  the  evening,  in  very  fine  weather,  followed  by  twelve 
or  fifteen  canoes.  They  met  him  at  the  beach  and  led  him 
to  the  church,  where  he  first  knelt  in  prayer  before  the 
Blessed  Sacrament.  He  then  went  to  their  village,  which  is 
a  short  distance  from  the  church,  and  visited  their  cabins, 
giving  a  thousand  proofs  of  his  friendship  and  virtue,  re- 

187 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

turning  afterwards  to  the  church.  Thence  all  walked  in 
procession  to  the  bonfire  prepared  for  the  feast  of  St.  John, 
which  fell  on  the  following  day." 

It  was  a  very  solemn  affair.  "  Father  Fremin  marched 
at  the  head  of  his  Indians,  followed  by  the  cross  bearer  and 
two  boys  in  surplices,  carrying  lighted  torches.  Then  came 
the  priests  in  their  vestments,"  Monsieur  le  Cure  of  Mon- 
treal officiating,  Monsieur  1'Intendant  coming  next,  followed 
by  Monsieur  the  Governor  of  Montreal  and  a  great  number 
of  Frenchmen.  On  both  sides  of  this  long  procession  the 
youth  were  marshalled  in  two  files,  under  arms ;  on  the  left, 
the  Indians ;  on  the  right,  the  French,  with  the  son  of  Mon- 
sieur ITntendant  at  their  head.  They  fired  several  volleys 
when  Monsieur  1'Intendant  began  to  light  the  bonfire  and 
when  the  officiating  priest  intoned  the  chant,  which  was 
taken  up  alternately  by  the  French  and  Indians,  the  former 
in  Latin,  the  latter  in  Iroquois. 

The  narrative  goes  on  to  say  that  "  if  Monsieur  1'Inten- 
dant showed  that  he  was  charmed  by  the  singing,  and  above 
all  by  the  devotion  of  the  savages,  who  had  assisted  at  the 
procession  silently  and  in  prayer,  our  savages  were  no  less 
edified  to  see  him  bareheaded,  his  rosary  in  his  hands,  and 
with  evidences  of  that  profound  piety  which  he  professes  in 
so  exemplary  a  manner.  He  gave  us  still  further  proofs 
of  it  both  by  the  little  he  ate  at  collation  that  day,  which  was 
the  vigil  of  St.  John,  and  on  the  following  day  by  the  devo- 
tion with  which  he  heard  Mass  and  received  the  sacraments 
of  Penance  and  Eucharist." 

The  illustrious  visitor  then  held  a  great  council  of  the 
Indians,  praised  their  zeal  and  fidelity  in  worshiping  God, 
gave  them  fine  presents  and  at  a  splendid  banquet  drank  the 
health  of  the  chiefs  and  asked  them  to  drink  his.  He  re- 
mained in  the  lodge  two  hours,  though  the  heat  was  un- 
bearable. Next  morning  he  stood  sponsor  to  a  little  child, 
to  whom  he  gave  the  name  of  Francis  Xavier.  As  at  the 
reception  of  the  bishop,  he  also  was  accompanied  to  the 

188 


JAMES   FREMIN. 

river  bank  at  his  departure,  and  "  all  followed  him  with  their 
hearts  and  with  their  eyes."  He  came  again  a  second  time 
with  less  solemnity,  but  "  it  cost  him  much  more,  owing  to 
the  rain  and  storm  that  overtook  him  on  the  road.  Never- 
theless, all  the  water  that  fell  did  not  in  any  wise  cool  the 
fire  of  his  charity  and  of  his  zeal  for  the  welfare  of  our  poor 
savages." 

Fremin  remained  at  Caughnawaga  till  he  was  worn  out 
by  his  labors,  and  then  died  at  Quebec,  July  2,  1691. 
Father  Chaumonot  saw  him  in  a  vision,  but  that  dear  old  soul 
had  many  visions,  and  his  assurance  was  not  needed  to  con- 
vince the  world  that  Father  Fremin  had  attained  eternal 
glory. 


189 


JAMES   BRUYAS. 

FATHER  JAMES  BRUYAS  was  particularly  obnox- 
ious to  at  least  one  of  the  Governors  of  New  York 
for  thwarting  the  English  plan  of  detaching  the  Iroquois 
from  the  French  allegiance.  He  is  also  regarded  as  one  of 
the  oldest  and  foremost  authorities  in  Mohawk  philology, 
and  his  works,  even  in  the  early  days,  were  esteemed  so 
highly  that  Hennepin  came  down  all  the  way  from  Quinte, 
north  of  Lake  Ontario,  to  copy  his  Grammar;  while  good 
old  Cotton  Mather  in  Boston  spelled  out  his  "  Mohawk  Cate- 
chism," not,  of  course,  for  the  religion  it  contained,  for  that 
to  him  was  idolatry,  but  for  its  linguistic  treasures.  His 
Grammar,  the  oldest  known,  was  published  from  the  orig- 
inal MSS.  by  the  Regents  of  the  University  of  the  State  of 
New  York  in  the  sixteenth  Annual  Report  of  State  Cabinet 
(Thwaites).  His  "  Mohawk  Roots  "  still  remains  in  MSS. 
What  is  surprising  about  all  this  is  that  when  Bruyas  was 
elaborating  his  Grammar,  digging  up  his  Roots,  and  com- 
pounding his  Catechism  in  the  woods  and  wigwams  of  the 
Mohawk,  he  was  pretty  well  advanced  in  years.  Nor  had 
he  much  help,  for  his  companion  found  great  trouble  with 
the  language,  though  fancying  at  the  same  time  that  Mo- 
hawk had  elegances  which  made  it  equal  to  Greek — a  state- 
ment which  the  average  student  will  not  challenge.  Be- 
sides these  claims  to  distinction,  he  was  at  one  time  Superior 
of  the  Indian  Missions;  was  chosen  as  French  ambassador 
to  the  Governor  of  New  England,  and  to  Onondaga  in  1701 
and  1702,  and  had  been  Superior  of  all  Canada  from  1693  to 
1699,  and  yet,  strange  to  say,  with  all  these  claims  to  re- 
nown, Shea  tells  us  that  "  apparently  he  was  a  native  of 
Lyons  "  ;  and  that  his  death  was  subsequent  to  1703.  Roche- 
monteix  informs  us  that  he  died  at  Quebec,  June  5,  1712, 

190 


JAMES   BRUYAS. 

but  Charlevoix  says  it  was  among  his  Iroquois  converts  at 
Sault  St.  Louis.  Such  is  glory! 

He  arrived  in  Canada  in  1666,  and  in  1667  he,  with  Fre- 
min  and  Pierron,  entered  the  cabin  of  Tegakwitha's  uncle  at 
Gandaouage,  which  he  and  his  companions  declared  to  be 
the  place  where  Father  Jogues  was  murdered."  Assuredly, 
no  place  could  have  appealed  to  him  more  strongly  than  that 
one,  but,  on  the  other  hand,  it  is  to  be  regretted  that  neither 
he  nor  any  other  of  the  missionaries  who  labored  there  have 
left  us  any  description  of  the  old  town  or,  as  far  as  we  know, 
obtained  any  of  the  precious  relics  of  the  three  heroes  who 
glorified  it :  Jogues,  Goupil,  and  Lalande. 

On  the  journey  down  to  New  York  the  three  Jesuits  ran 
considerable  danger,  for  a  war  was  going  on  with  the  Mo- 
hegans,  or  Loups,  who  had  come  up  from  the  Hudson.  A 
detailed  account  of  the  journey  is  to  be  found  in  the  Rela- 
tions of  1666-68,  which  appears  to  have  been  written  by 
Pierron,  but  that  is  not  certain.  It  is  said :  "  They  kept  a 
journal,  from  their  departure  up  to  the  time  of  their  fixed 
and  permanent  abode  in  the  Iroquois  village,"  and  Thwaites 
tells  us  that  in  the  archives  of  St.  Mary's  College,  Montreal, 
there  is  an  apograph  by  Martin  of  a  letter  written  by  Pier- 
ron during  the  stay  of  the  missionaries  at  Fort  St.  Anne, 
dated  August  12,  1677,  in  which  he  describes  his  recent 
voyage  from  France,  his  impressions  of  the  country,  the 
relations  of  French  and  Iroquois,  characteristics  and  cus- 
toms of  the  savages,  etc.  But  that  letter  is  not  the  journal. 
It  matters  little,  however,  who  wrote  of  the  adventures  in 
which  they  were  both  concerned. 

"  The  long  delay  in  the  fort,"  says  the  annalist,  "  gave  us 
an  opportunity  of  rendering  some  service  there  to  the  sol- 
diers by  a  kind  of  mission  we  gave  them.  But  at  last,  on 
the  eve  of  St.  Bartholomew's  Day,  about  four  o'clock  in  the 
afternoon,  we  embarked  to  go  and  take  shelter  at  a  league's 
distance  from  the  last  fort  of  the  French,  and  thereafter 

191 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

we  went  on  our  way  both  day  and  night  without  any  mis- 
hap and  without  discovering  the  enemy." 

To  the  uninitiated  it  is  unintelligible  how  they  could  seek 
shelter  a  league  away  from  the  last  fort  of  the  French,  just 
as  it  is  incomprehensible  how  they  could  travel  so  light-heart- 
edly day  and  night  with  enemies  skulking  everywhere 
around  them. 

"  We  admired,  at  the  outset,"  says  the  letter,  "  the  care 
that  our  Christian  Iroquois  had  to  pray  to  God,  all  together, 
immediately  after  embarking  " — unlike  their  white  succes- 
sors— "  although  they  had  been  present  at  Holy  Mass, 
which  we  celebrated  very  early  every  morning."  Where 
those  precious  places  are  along  Lake  Champlain  where  early 
Mass  was  celebrated  every  morning  in  the  woods  we  do  not 
know.  It  is  a  pity  that  they  can  never  be  identified. 

"  The  prayers  finished,  we  all  set  about  paddling  like  poor 
galley  slaves,  from  morning  till  night.  Not  one  of  us  three 
had  learned  this  exercise,  but  because  we  had  so  few  men 
we  had  to  take  our  share  of  the  work.  We  gaily  crossed  this 
entire  great  lake,  which  is  already  too  renowned  by  reason 
of  the  shipwreck  of  several  of  our  Frenchmen,  and  quite 
recently  by  that  of  Sieur  Corlart,  Commandant  of  a  hamlet 
of  the  Dutch  near  Agnie  (Schenectady),  who  on  his  way  to 
Quebec  was  drowned  while  crossing  a  large  bay  where  he 
was  surprised  by  a  storm. 

"  Arriving  within  three-quarters  of  a  league  of  the  falls 
by  which  Lake  St.  Sacrament  empties,  we  all  halted,  without 
knowing  why,  until  we  saw  our  savages  at  the  water-side 
gathering  up  flints,  which  were  almost  all  cut  into  shape. 
Our  Iroquois  told  us  they  never  failed  to  halt  at  this  place, 
to  pay  homage  to  a  race  of  invisible  men  who  dwell  at  the 
bottom  of  the  lake.  These  beings  occupy  themselves  in  pre- 
paring flints  for  the  passers-by,  provided  the  latter  pay  their 
respects  by  giving  them  tobacco.  If  they  give  much  they 
get  a  liberal  supply  of  stones.  These  water-men  travel  in 
canoes,  and  when  their  captain  proceeds  to  throw  himself 

192 


JAMES   BRUYAS. 

into  the  water  to  enter  his  palace  he  makes  so  much  noise 
that  all  are  terrified  who  know  nothing  about  this  great 
spirit  and  these  little  men. 

"  The  occasion  of  this  ridiculous  fable,"  says  the  mission- 
ary, "  is  that  the  lake  is  frequently  agitated  by  fearful  tem- 
pests. It  was  in  this  basin  that  Corlart  met  his  death.  The 
presence  of  the  stones  is  explained  by  the  fact  that  the  wind 
coming  from  the  lake  tosses  up  the  flints  on  the  beach. 
When  I  asked  why  they  did  not  offer  some  tobacco  to  the 
Great  Spirit  of  Heaven  the  answer  was  that  '  He  did  not 
need  any  as  do  people  on  the  earth  '  " — an  answer  which 
shows  how  men  are  alike  everywhere. 

"  We  passed  a  fine  slate-quarry,  five  leagues  from  Lake  St. 
Sacrament,  a  cannon  shot  from  a  little  islet  of  about  200 
feet  in  diameter.  This  quarry  is  not  of  the  nature  of  those 
I  have  seen  on  the  seashore,  or  in  the  neighborhood  of 
Quebec,  which  have  only  the  appearance  of  quarries.  This 
one  is  quite  like  those  I  have  seen  in  the  Ardennes  of  our 
France;  its  color  being  of  a  beautiful  blue,  and  its  laminae 
easily  detached,  large  or  small  as  one  wishes — very  fragile 
and  very  soft." 

They  landed  at  the  end  of  Lake  St.  Sacrament.  "  We 
gladly  came  ashore  and  carried  our  baggage  and  canoes, 
happy  that  there  remained  only  thirty  leagues  of  the  journey 
by  land,  to  reach  the  goal  to  which  we  had  so  long  aspired." 
Leaving  the  lake,  however,  they  fell  into  an  ambuscade,  but 
fortunately  of  their  f i  iends,  who  were  concealed  there  watch- 
ing for  the  Mohegans.  With  this  party  they  proceeded  by 
short  marches  to  Gandaouage  on  the  Mohawk. 

They  arrived  in  time,  for  they  were  hotly  pursued  by  the 
Mohegans,  who  very  shortly  after  made  a  dash  at  the  very 
gates  of  the  village  scalping  a  miserable  squaw  and  then 
retiring.  Fremin  was  engaged  at  the  time  in  baptizing 
some  dying  children  when  this  horrid  deed  took  place  before 
his  eyes.  He  hurried  to  the  poor  wretch,  but  four  times 
she  turned  away  from  him  with  scorn ;  at  last,  however,  she 
is  193 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

yielded,  was  prepared  for  death,  and  expired  with  the  prayer 
of  mercy  on  her  lips. 

Tionnontoguen  was  a  wild  place  just  at  that  time,  and 
though  the  missionaries  were  received  with  great  honor, 
they  had  a  chance  of  seeing  the  noble  savage  at  his  worst, 
in  the  midst  of  his  wild  debauches  when  maddened  by 
liquor,  which  was  plentiful  there  at  that  time.  Not  even 
the  chapel  would  be  spared,  the  drunken  savage  tearing 
everything  to  pieces  and  flinging  firebrands  at  the  heads  of 
the  priests. 

After  three  months'  stay,  Bruyas  travelled  up  to  Oneida, 
in  the  company  of  a  French  trader,  Boquet.  What  kind  of 
a  place  Oneida  was  then  may  be  learned,  at  least  to  some 
extent,  from  a  letter  of  the  missionary. 

"  It  is  situated  on  the  44th  parallel  of  latitude  upon  an 
eminence  whence  one  could  see  a  great  deal  of  the  country, 
if  the  woods  which  environ  it  were  cleared  away.  There  is 
no  river  or  lake  except  at  five  leagues  distance  from  the 
town,  where  there  is  a  lake  twelve  leagues  long  and  two  wide. 
This  place  is  fairly  pleasant,  and  if  one  would  take  trouble 
to  plant  some  vines  and  trees  they  would  yield  as  well  as 
they  do  in  France ;  but  the  savage  is  too  fond  of  wandering. 
Nevertheless,  apple,  plum,  and  chestnut  trees  are  seen  here, 
but  they  have  not  the  same  taste  as  in  France.  There  are 
also  vines  which  bear  tolerably  good  grapes,  from  which  our 
Fathers  formerly  made  wine  for  Mass.  The  mulberries 
and  strawberries  are  so  abundant  that  the  ground  is  all 
covered  with  them.  Both  are  dried  in  order  to  season  the 
sagamite,  when  there  is  no  fish.  The  Oneidas  have  the 
reputation  of  being  the  most  cruel  of  the  Iroquois.  They 
will  travel  300  leagues  and  more  to  remove  one  scalp. 
Drunkenness,  dreams,  and  impurity  are  destroying  them." 

After  describing  some  of  his  work  he  continues :  "  All 
that  we  need  fear  is  being  burned  or  beaten  to  death  by  some 
hothead,  but  life  with  these  barbarians  is  a  continual  mar- 
tyrdom ;  and  the  fires  of  the  Iroquois  would  be  easier  than 

194 


JAMES   BRUYAS. 

the  trials  one  endures  among  them.  One  must  expect  to 
have  all  his  senses  martyred  daily;  the  sight,  by  the  smoke 
of  the  cabins — I  have  almost  lost  my  eyes  from  it; — the 
hearing,  by  their  annoying  yells  and  wearisome  visits;  the 
smell,  by  the  stench  that  is  incessantly  exhaled  by  the  oiled 
and  greased  hair  of  both  men  and  women ;  feeling,  by  cold, 
as  severe  at  at  Quebec;  and  finally  taste,  by  the  food, 
of  which  it  is  enough  to  say  that  the  daintiest  and  most  deli- 
cate piece  would  be  refused  by  the  dogs  of  France.  If  the 
sagamite  be  without  seasoning,  it  is  without  taste;  if  it  be 
seasoned — this  is  done  the  greater  part  of  the  year  with 
rotten  fish — the  mere  odor  of  it  at  first  turns  one's  stomach. 
I  say  nothing  of  the  contempt  that  must  be  endured ;  of  the 
frequent  raillery  to  which  a  person  exposes  himself  when  he 
speaks  incorrectly ;  of  the  trouble  and  chagrin  occasioned  by 
the  study  of  a  very  difficult  language,  above  all  to  persons 
advanced  in  age.  There  is  a  great  difference  between  med- 
itating upon  the  Canadian  mission  in  one's  oratory  and  find- 
ing one's  self  exercising  the  duties  of  a  Canadian  missionary. 
I  do  not  say  this  to  disgust  those  in  whom  God  has  inspired 
such  purpose.  On  the  contrary,  why  should  they  lose 
courage  when  the  meanest  and  most  unfit  man  in  the  Prov- 
ince, not  only  in  mind  but  also  in  body,  manages  to  exist 
among  these  difficulties  ?" 

Nevertheless,  in  these  sordid  surroundings  Bruyas  did 
great  work,  and  the  people  thronged  to  listen  to  his  instruc- 
tions. His  chapel  he  called  St.  Francis  Xavier's  of  the 
Oneida.  The  place  in  which  he  built  it  has  been  identified 
by  Beauchamp  as  two  miles  northeast  of  the  present  Munns- 
ville.  But  how  did  he  make  the  Oneidas  understand  him  ? 
He  was  a  linguist  and  philologist  indeed,  but  as  yet  could 
have  known  very  little  of  the  language,  for  he  had  only 
arrived  in  America  the  preceding  year.  It  is  astonishing 
with  what  serenity  these  men  faced  the  impossible.  The 
solution  of  the  difficulty  came  by  the  aid  of  a  remarkable 
Erie  squaw  whom  he  met  at  Oneida,  and  who  afterwards  be- 

195 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

came  very  famous  in  the  history  of  the  mission  as  one  of  the 
saints  of  Caughnawaga.  She  had  been  captured  in  a  raid  on 
the  Eries  and  had  married  an  Oneida  chief.  Even  before 
the  arrival  of  Bruyas  she  was  admired  by  every  one  for  her 
virtue,  her  modesty  and  gentleness,  but  a  feeling  of  bitter- 
ness was  beginning  to  show  itself  because  of  her  openly 
avowed  desire  to  embrace  Christianity. 

Biuyas'  coming  was  a  god-send  to  her,  and  she  imme- 
diately sought  him  out  to  inquire  about  the  faith.  He  wel- 
comed her  for  that  reason,  of  course,  and  also  because  she 
was  able  to  make  out  his  meaning  and  act  as  his  interpreter ; 
setting  herself  to  work  very  vigorously  to  teach  him  Oneida. 
He  was  very  happy  until  Boquet,  the  French  trader,  made 
up  his  mind  to  return  to  Quebec ;  for  with  him  went  not  only 
Catherine,  but  her  husband,  his  friends  and  protectors. 
Both  of  them  became  conspicuous  for  their  holiness  in 
Canada. 

A  year  or  so  passed  with  the  Oneidas,  and  then  Millet 
came  to  take  his  place,  while  he  went  down  the  valley  to 
Tionnontoguen,  which  he  had  left  some  time  before,  and 
which  he  found  as  wicked  as  ever.  However,  it  began  to 
pick  itself  up  when  the  famous  statue  of  N.  D.  de  Foy  was 
erected  in  the  village. 

While  Father  Bruyas  was  at  that  place  he  formed  the 
acquaintance  of  one  whose  family  name  has  always  been 
conspicuous  in  the  history  of  the  State  of  New  York,  Robert 
Livingston,  a  Scotchman  who  had  established  himself  at 
Albany  and  married  one  of  the  Schuylers.  This  acquaint- 
ance at  first  appeared  to  be  friendship,  as  would  be  inferred 
from  a  very  remarkable  document  communicated  in  1879 
to  The  Magazine  of  American  History  by  B.  Fernow,  late 
Keeper  of  the  Archives  of  the  State  of  New  York.  It  is 
entitled :  The  Papers  of  Father  Bruyas,  and  begins  with  the 
remark  that  "  Governor  Leisler  had  an  excuse  to  proceed 
against  Robert  Livingston,  because  being  a  Scotchman  and 
a  friend  of  the  Jesuit  missionaries  among  the  Mohawks  and 

196 


JAMES   BRUYAS. 

Oneidas,  he  was  easily  accused  of  leaning  towards  the  cause 
of  the  dethroned  Stuarts.  Under  the  plea  that  he  had  not 
accounted  for  the  revenue  of  the  King  during  twelve  months, 
his  house  was  searched.  Livingston  succeeded  in  making 
his  escape,  and  in  taking  all  his  accounts  with  him,  so  that 
the  Commissaries  found  only  a  chest  containing  papers,  etc., 
of  the  Jesuit  Vaillant.  Several  people  were  got  to  swear 
that  Livingston  had  spoken  against  King  William,  and  an 
indictment  was  forwarded  to  Leisler  at  New  York,  saying 
'  We  send  your  Honor  herewith  six  affidavits  against  the 
aforesaid  Livingston,  and  with  them  goes  a  package  of 
papers  which  were  found  in  an  old  chest,  with  some  jewels 
formerly  the  property  of  the  Jesuit  Vaillant,  from  Canada.' ' 

These  papers  and  "  jewels  "  of  Vaillant  are  labelled  as 
the  papers  of  Bruyas,  because  he  was  there  with  Vaillant 
at  the  time;  and  in  fact  was  the  Superior  of  the  mission. 
The  "  jewels,"  which  were  "  inventoried  in  His  Majesty's 
behalf,"  are  described  as  catechisms,  blank  books,  Huron 
paradigms,  hosties  of  all  sizes,  crucifixes,  paper  bags,  raisins, 
prunes,  tobacco,  rosaries,  &c. 

The  whole  package  was  sent  to  Boston,  and  someone 
whose  name  fortunately  for  himself  is  not  known  indulges 
in  a  disquisition  on  the  "  find."  We  hope  it  was  not  old 
Cotton  Mather.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  he  had  Father  Bruyas' 
Iroquois  catechism  and  dictionary.  Whoever  he  was  he  has 
thought  proper  to  leave  in  writing  his  opinion  of  the  gentle- 
men to  whom  the  property  belonged. 

He  is  horrified,  for  instance,  at  the  immorality  of  the  one 
hundred  cases  of  conscience  which  he  found  in  the  bundle; 
he  ascribes  a  most  indecent  meaning  to  a  letter  from  the 
nuns  at  Quebec;  is  shocked  at  the  Father's  illustration  of 
heaven  and  hell,  in  which  the  capabilities  of  the  savage  mind 
had  to  be  considered,  and  is  indignant  at  the  permission 
given  to  the  Mohawks  to  hunt  on  Sunday,  &c.  The  for- 
mula of  Father  Millet's  vows,  which  had  been  sent  on  to 
Bruyas,  quite  obfuscates  him.  "  I  must  not  omit,"  says  this 

197 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

stern  old  Yankee  Inquisitor,  "  to  mention  here  the  Latin 
manuscript  which  covers  the  third  cahier  of  the  Indian  dic- 
tionary." (This  reference  to  the  dictionary  seems  like  an 
assurance  that  we  are  dealing  with  old  Cotton  Mather.) 
"  It  is  a  declaration,"  he  says,  "  demanded  by  Pere  Millet, 
General  of  the  Jesuits  in  New  France,  of  P.  Bruyas  to  make 
him  Prefect  of  the  Order"  Poor  old  parson!  He  was 
most  wofully  muddled  and  was  quite  at  sea  m  his  Latin  and 
his  sense. 

The  vow  not  to  accept  a  prelacy  is  an  overwhelming  proof 
in  his  eyes  of  the  deepest  hypocrisy.  "  Do  you  not  admire," 
he  asks,  "the  Jesuitical  spirit  expressed  here?  Look  how 
he  advances  gradually.  At  first  he  will  not  violate  the  vow 
of  poverty,  that  is  being  secularised;  then  he  will  not  aspire 
to  any  prelacy,  but  if,"  &c.  "  Father  Bruyas,"  he  con- 
tinues, "  is  one  of  the  most  distinguished  members ;  he  is 
Pere  Profez  (sic),  Chief  of  the  Missions,  a  great  converter 
of  the  Iroquois,  Hurons,  and  Oneidas ;  so  great,  in  fact,  that 
another  Jesuit  dares  to  speak  of  his  endeavors  as  Apostolic 
labors."  He  concludes  with  the  pious  wish :  "  May  God 
soon  deliver  the  Christian  world  from  these  grasshoppers, 
and  let  a  strong  east  wind  come  to  make  them  disappear. 
Amen."  The  east  wind  puts  the  post-office  address  on  this 
communication  unmistakably. 

Cotton  Mather  was  clearly  not  a  friend  of  the  Jesuits,  and 
we  fear  that  Governor  Leisler  was  also  doing  Livingston 
an  injustice  for  persecuting  the  official  on  that  account.  In 
fact,  later  on  we  find  proclamations  over  Livingston's  sig- 
nature as  Secretary  for  Indian  Affairs  exhorting  the  savages 
to  "  make  prisoners  of  the  priests  as  often  you  can  and  bring 
them  to  me,  and  for  every  such  Popish  priest  and  Jesuit 
which  you  shall  bring  to  this  town  and  deliver  up  to  the 
Magistrates  you  shall  have  one  hundred  pieces  of  eight, 
payed  you  down  in  ready  money  as  a  reward." 

This  does  not  look  like  "  friendship  "  on  the  part  of  Liv- 
ingston, but  possibly  he  was  merely  acting  as  scribe  for  the 

198 


JAMES   BRUYAS. 

rancorous  young  Orangeman,  Governor  Bellomont.  It  is 
not  recorded  that  any  Indian  ever  brought  any  "  Popish 
priest  or  Jesuit  to  get  the  one  hundred  pieces  of  eight." 
Their  "  friendship  "  was  more  sincere  than  Livingston's. 

Meantime,  the  old  "  grasshopper  and  great  converter  of 
the  savages,"  Father  Bruyas,  kept  at  his  work.  It  was 
while  he  was  at  Tionnontoguen  that  Boniface  fell  sick  and 
had  to  be  sent  to  Canada  to  die.  Bruyas  went  to  Gan- 
daouage  about  the  time  that  the  "  Great  Mohawk,"  Kryn, 
drew  so  many  after  him  to  Canada ;  so  that  when  the  Indians 
broke  out  into  a  rage  about  this  defection  of  their  best 
fighters,  Bruyas  had  to  bear  the  brunt  of  it. 

A  council  was  held  at  Tionnontoguen,  which  was  then 
their  chief  town,  and  the  priest  was  summoned  before  the 
sachems  and  accused  of  helping  the  depopulation  of  their 
country.  He  answered  in  the  most  vigorous  fashion ;  pro- 
tested that  he  knew  nothing  of  the  purpose  of  Kryn ;  insist- 
ing that  it  was  Kryn's  own  doing;  then  turning  upon  his 
accusers  he  showed  them  that  their  own  vices  of  drunkenness 
and  debauchery  were  ruining  the  tribe. 

Bruyas  continued  at  his  difficult  work,  going  from  mission 
to  mission  as  Superior  until  1679,  when  he  seems  to  have 
been  called  to  Caughnawaga,  where  he  remained  till  1691. 
By  that  time  the  quarrels  and  ambitions  of  de  Denonville 
and  de  la  Barre  on  the  one  hand  and  Dongan  on  the  other, 
all  of  them  Catholics,  had  made  it  impossible  to  go  on  with 
the  missions.  Frontenac  had  afterwards  moved  against 
Schenectady,  in  1690,  and  for  a  time  was  dreaming  of  cap- 
turing New  York.  It  was  a  blank  for  the  missionaries,  and 
only  one  priest  was  left  in  the  whole  of  New  York  territory : 
Father  Millet,  but  he  was  in  captivity  among  the  Oneidas. 

During  all  that  time  Bruyas  was  laboring  for  peace,  and 
we  find  a  letter  from  him  in  1691,  addressed  to  Frontenac: 
"  You  are  aware,"  he  says,  "that  140  Mohawks  have  deputed 
three  of  their  chiefs  to  know  if  you  would  receive  them,  as 
they  are  desirous  of  making  an  inviolable  treaty  of  peace. 

199 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

These  three  deputies  have  come  to  the  fort  unarmed,  and 
as  friends,  and  were  well  received  by  our  Indians.  If  you 
will  permit  me  to  express  my  opinion,  and  it  concurs  with 
the  most  reasonable  view  taken  here,  they  are  sincere,  and 
their  coming  looks  to  the  cementing  of  a  solid  peace  with 
them,  and  through  them  with  all  the  others."  Father  de 
Lamberville  was  not  as  credulous  in  this  matter  as  Bruyas, 
nor  was  Frontenac.  The  war  continued. 

In  1693,  Bruyas  succeeded  Dablon  as  General  Superior, 
and  remained  in  that  office  until  1699.  Describing  his 
labors  in  this  exalted  office,  Rochemonteix  says :  "  All  the 
Religious  of  the  College  of  Quebec  lived,  at  the  end  of  the 
century,  under  the  successive  government  of  four  superiors 
of  unequal  merit:  Theodore  Beschefer,  Claude  d'Ablon, 
James  Bruyas,  and  Martin  Brouyard.  Bruyas  is  known;  he 
succeeded  d'Ablon  in  the  month  of  August,  1693.  Inde- 
fatigable missionary,  hardy  traveller,  he  understood  the  sav- 
age, his  manners,  his  language,  and  he  managed  them  with 
intelligence  and  skill.  Interpreter,  orator,  deputy  of  the 
Governors  of  Quebec  to  the  English  and  Iroquois,  he  formed 
part  of  every  congress  and  every  embassy.  He  possessed 
the  art  of  governing  savages  better  tiwn  that  of  administer- 
ing a  college.  His  nomination  as  Superior  of  the  Fathers 
of  Canada  was  a  fortunate  thing,  however,  for  the  colony; 
for  this  Jesuit  by  exception  was  most  friendly  with  the  Count 
de  Frontenac,  and  he  was  able  to  help  M.  de  Callieres  to 
prepare  a  general  peace  among  the  savages  in  1701."  Alto- 
gether Bruyas  can  be  rated  among  the  great  men. 

As  the  College  of  Quebec  must  at  that  time  have  been  very 
rudimentary,  it  is  clear  that  extraordinary  scholastic  require- 
ments were  not  necessarily  called  for  in  the  General  Supe- 
rior, who  could  employ  others  as  professors  and  teachers. 
On  the  other  hand,  it  was  great  wisdom  to  have  chosen  as 
Superior  a  man  of  such  wide  experience  in  missionary  work ; 
of  such  admitted  diplomatic  skill  in  guiding  the  decisions  of 
councils  and  embassies ;  and,  above  all,  of  such  influence  with 

200 


JAMES   BRUYAS. 

the  difficult  Governor  Frontenac,  who  disliked  all  Jesuits 
except  Bruyas. 

Shortly  after  arriving  at  New  York  as  Governor,  Bello- 
mont  received  an  order  from  the  King  of  England,  in  con- 
sequence of  the  treaty  of  Ryswick,  to  suspend  hostilities 
with  the  French;  de  Callieres  at  Quebec  being  notified  at 
the  same  time  to  the  same  effect.  This  implied  a  change  of 
relationship,  which  necessitated  an  embassy  to  Boston  for 
the  arrangement  of  details,  and  also  an  exchange  of  pris- 
oners. Father  Bruyas  and  Major  Valliere  were  sent  down 
to  New  England  as  the  French  representatives.  What  they 
did  or  how  long  they  remained  there  we  cannot  ascertain. 
As  Bellomont  was  a  pronounced  bigot,  the  presence  of  this 
clerical  ambassador  was  probably  not  very  acceptable,  as  one 
may  be  permitted  to  surmise  from  the  anti-papist  law  which 
the  Governor  forced  the  New  York  Assembly  to  pass  in  the 
following  year.  It  is  possible,  however,  that  diplomacy 
kept  personal  dislike  in  the  background  while  the  Conference 
lasted,  and  that  Bruyas  was  received  as  courteously,  if  not 
as  cordially,  as  Druillettes  had  been  fifty  years  before. 

The  Bill  which  Bellomont  sent  to  the  New  York  Assembly 
was  directed  against  all  priests  and  Jesuits,  excluding  them 
from  English  territory.  As  most  of  the  old  burghers  and 
military  men  who  composed  the  Assembly  knew  the  mission- 
aries personally,  and  were  favorably  disposed  in  their  regard, 
the  Bill  was  rejected.  But  the  Governor  insisted,  and  sent  it 
back  a  second  time.  As  the  ballot  resulted  in  a  tie,  His 
Excellency  voted  twice,  once  as  a  member  of  the  Assembly 
and  secondly  as  Governor,  so  that  on  November  1,  1700, 
the  law  was  made  declaring  every  priest  in  the  colony  of 
New  York  "  an  incendiary,  a  disturber  of  the  peace,  and  an 
enemy  of  the  Christian  religion,  to  be  punished  by  perpetual 
imprisonment  if  caught,  and  in  case  of  escape  and  recap- 
ture, to  be  condemned  to  death.  It  was  decreed  also  that 
any  one  harboring  him  was  to  be  fined  and  pilloried." 

Besides  making  it  clear  that  there  were  to  be  no  more 
Indian  missions,  this  Bill  implied  that  the  English 

201 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

claimed  dominion  over  the  Iroquois  tribes.  Against  that 
the  Iroquois  protested.  They  maintained  that  they  were  an 
independent  nation,  and  could  make  treaties  with  France  or 
England  as  they  chose.  They  therefore  proposed  to  send 
six  delegates,  two  Onondagas  and  four  Senecas,  to  Montreal 
asking  the  Governor  to  have  Father  Bruyas,  MM.  de  Mari- 
court  and  Joncaire  meet  them  at  Albany  to  make  a  treaty 
and  exchange  prisoners. 

Was  this  a  trick  or  not?  Frontenac  had  just  died,  and 
de  Callieres  had  succeeded  him.  As  the  Indians  had  never 
been  able  to  deceive  Frontenac,  they  were  now  apparently 
exploiting  his  successor.  Albany  was  English  territory. 
Moreover,  in  the  delegation  there  were  no  Mohawks — the* 
tribe  nearest  to  Albany.  So  de  Callieres  suspected  treachery 
and  insisted  that  he  would  not  consider  a  treaty  of  peace 
unless  it  was  signed  in  Montreal.  The  Indians  agreed, 
abandoned  their  request  about  Albany,  and  asked  for  one  at 
Onondaga. 

To  arrange  the  terms  of  the  treaty  the  ambassadors  named 
by  the  Indians  were  sent.  They  were  Bruyas,  who,  accord- 
ing to  Le  Roy  de  la  Potherie,  "  was  in  great  veneration 
among  them ;  Maricourt,  who  was  the  son  of  a  Frenchman 
adopted  by  the  Iroquois,  and  Joncaire,  who  had  married  an 
Indian  woman  and  who  acted  as  chief  interpreter." 

The  delegates  arrived  at  Onondaga  August  4.  On  the 
10th  there  was  a  grand  reunion  of  the  five  Cantons.  The 
main  object  which  Bruyas  had  in  view,  of  course,  was  to  re- 
organize the  missions.  He  opened  the  proceeding  with  an 
invocation  to  the  Holy  Ghost,  and  then,  in  a  very  florid 
speech  which  delighted  the  Indians,  invited  them  to  always 
obey  the  Governor  of  Canada,  in  spite  of  any  reason  which 
the  Governor  of  New  England  might  allege  to  the  contrary. 
He  spoke  of  Achiendase  (the  Jesuit  Superior,  at  that  time, 
Father  Bouvart),  "  who  has  always  loved  you,  always  con- 
sidered you  as  his  children,  although  for  a  long  period  the 
sun  has  been  darkened  between  you  and  him.  He  wants 
to  bring  back  to  you  the  ideas  he  had  given  you  of  the  Great 

202 


LORI)  BELLOMONT. 


JAMES   BRUYAS. 

Spirit,  the  God  of  armies,  and  the  Master  of  the  Universe. 
You  are  worthy  of  compassion.  Since  the  Black  Robes 
have  left  you,  your  children  die  without  baptism.  Your  old 
men,  your  warriors,  your  women  knew  how  to  pray,  you 
knew  the  Master  of  Heaven,  you  have  forgotten  Him.  Your 
Father  now  exhorts  you  to  consider  if  you  wish  the  return 
of  the  Black  Robes.  There  are  several  ready  to  come  to 
you.  Do  not  refuse  the  offer  he  makes  to  you." 

These  words  embarrassed  the  Iroquois.  The  English 
Governor  had  promised  them  "  a  gunsmith  "if  they  would 
reject  the  priests  and  take  a  parson.  They  did  not  trouble 
themselves  much  about  the  parson,  who  was  the  easy  going 
Dominie  Dellius  of  Fort  Orange,  but  the  "  gunsmith  "  was  a 
useful  man  to  have  among  them,  and  so  the  words  of  Bruyas 
provoked  no  enthusiasm,  and  he  thought  it  prudent  not  to 
insist.  But  an  incident  occurred  which  gave  him  his  op- 
portunity. 

De  la  Potherie  says  that  Bellomont  had  sent  up  a  young 
Dutchman  to  persuade  the  Indians  not  to  listen  to  the 
French.  The  envoy  apparently  forgot  himself  and  informed 
the  assembly  that  his  master  wanted  to  see  them  at  Albany. 
"What  does  your  Governor  want?"  they  asked  in  great 
anger.  "  Is  not  peace  concluded  in  Europe,  and  is  he  still 
singing  the  war  song?"  "Perfectly  right,"  interjected 
Bruyas ;  "  the  English  Governor  treats  you  as  slaves.  When 
did  the  Governor  of  Quebec  ever  forbid  you  to  speak  to  the 
Governor  of  New  England  if  you  wanted  to?"  Then 
Joncaire  made  a  speech  to  the  same  effect  which  was  greatly 
applauded.  The  Dutchman  was  defeated,  and  left  the  es- 
sembly  in  anger.  He  returned  to  the  charge,  however,  at 
the  next  meeting,  but  was  unable  to  disturb  the  friendly 
feelings  which  the  Indians  entertained  for  the  French. 

Toward  the  end  of  August  the  Council  broke  up,  and  in 
the  beginning  of  September  the  delegates  started  for  Mon- 
treal with  nineteen  deputies  from  the  Onondagas,  Senecas, 
and  Cayugas.  They  had  with  them  ten  French  prisoners. 
The  others  could  not  or  would  not  return. 

203 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

On  the  8th,  the  Governor  received  them  in  a  most  impos- 
ing manner,  but  would  make  only  a  temporary  peace,  as  he 
insisted  upon  the  return  of  all  the  prisoners,  and  was  aiming, 
besides,  at  a  union  of  all  the  tribes.  To  attain  that  object 
he  announced  a  general  assembly  for  August  of  the  follow- 
ing year,  to  which  the  Indian  delegates  readily  assented,  but 
protested  that  though  acceptable  to  them,  they  could  not 
speak  for  tribes  other  than  their  own.  To  persuade  those 
who  had  not  yet  entered  into  the  convention  the  Governor 
sent  Bruyas  and  his  two  associates  back  to  Onondaga ;  while 
Father  Enjalran  was  commissioned  to  persuade  the  Ottawas 
and  Bigot  the  Abenakis. 

When  Bruyas  reached  Onondaga  on  this  mission  he  found 
the  agents  of  Bellomont  endeavoring  to  influence  the  Iro- 
quois  against  the  French,  whereupon  he  set  to  work  a  second 
time  to  thwart  them.  He  solemnly  warned  the  Iroquois 
that  if  they  did  not  present  themselves  at  Montreal  for  the 
General  Convention,  and  also  send  back  all  the  prisoners, 
they  could  expect  nothing  in  future  from  the  Governor  of 
Quebec.  This  the  Indians  could  not  afford  to  do ;  and  they 
agreed  to  go  to  the  meeting  in  spite  of  the  threats  of  Bello- 
mont that  he  would  hang  any  priest  he  found  in  New  York. 
The  result  was  that  when  the  famous  assembly  of  all  the 
Indians  from  the  east  and  west  met  at  Montreal,  where  the 
old  converted  traitor,  the  Huron  Chief  known  as  "  The 
Rat "  made  his  wonderful  plea  for  peace  and  died,  the  Iro- 
quois were  present  and  signed  the  treaty  which  let  the  priests 
back  again  into  the  territory  of  New  York.  Thus  Bruyas 
won  his  fight  with  Bellomont.  That  year  Fathers  James  de 
Lamberville,  Julien  Gamier,  and  Vaillant  de  Gueslis  re- 
vived the  old  missions,  and  remained  at  their  work  until  the 
English  were  able  to  reassert  their  mastery  over  their  old 
rivals.  They  were  not,  however,  able  to  hold  their  own. 
By  1708  it  was  impossible  for  a  Catholic  priest  to  live  in 
New  York.  Four  years  after  that  Bruyas  died  at  Quebec, 
June  15,  1712. 

204 


JOHN  PIERRON. 

JUST  where  the  West  Shore  Railroad  going  west  comes 
up  to  the  Mohawk  at  Hoffman's  Ferry  the  beautiful 
valley  widens  out,  leaving  long  stretches  of  fertile  fields  on 
both  sides  of  the  river.  It  is  the  scene  of  a  memorable 
battle  in  former  times  between  the  Mohawks  and  Mohegans. 
The  Mohegans  had  ventured  on  a  raid  as  far  as  Auriesville, 
or  Gandaouage,  but  were  repulsed  after  a  fierce  fight  and 
were  in  full  retreat  when  the  Mohawks  stole  upon  them  un- 
der cover  of  the  night  and  next  morning  massacred  most  of 
them.  It  was  the  last  of  the  Mohegans  in  the  Mohawk 
Valley. 

Two  days  afterwards  the  victors  took  up  their  march 
homeward,  waving  the  reeking  scalps  of  the  dead,  and  sing- 
ing songs  of  triumph  as  they  drove  forward  their  prisoners 
of  war  who  were  to  be  burned  at  the  stake.  In  that  blood- 
stained throng  was  a  priest,  Father  Pierron,  who  had  hur- 
ried down  to  the  scene  of  conflict  from  Tionnontoguen ;  for 
some  of  the  Mohawks  were  Christians,  and  if  wounded 
would  need  help.  Moreover,  there  was  a  chance  of  convert- 
ing the  hapless  prisoners  before  they  were  led  to  the  stake 
The  Christian  Indians,  who  knew  about  hell,  endeavored  to 
stop  him.  They  wanted  their  enemies  to  burn  beyond  the 
grave  as  well  as  on  the  Mohawk,  but  the  priest  persisted  and 
baptized  some  of  the  prisoners  on  the  way  up  to  the  town. 

The  missionary's  description  of  the  fight  is  worth  repro- 
ducing, at  least  in  part.  "  One  of  the  most  important  things 
I  have  to  write,"  he  says,  "  is  the  attack  on  Gandaouage, 
which  is  one  of  our  best  villages,  and  situated  nearest  to 
the  enemy's  country.  On  August  18,  1669,  three  hundred 
of  the  Nation  of  the  Loups — who  live  along  the  sea  toward 
Boston,  in  New  England — presented  themselves  at  daybreak 
before  the  palisade,  and  began  such  a  furious  discharge  of 

205 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

musketry  that  the  balls,  piercing  both  the  stockades  and 
cabins,  soon  awakened  men,  women,  and  children,  almost 
all  of  whom  were  at  that  time  sound  asleep.  The  men  at 
once  seized  their  muskets  and  tomahawks  to  defend  the 
palisades,  the  women  meantime  making  bullets  or  arming 
themselves  with  knives  and  other  weapons  for  a  hand-to- 
hand  fight  if  the  enemy  entered. 

"  Four  Iroquois  were  killed  at  the  outset,  and  two  were 
wounded.  The  terrified  people  in  the  neighboring  village 
took  flight  in  all  directions,  and  carried  the  news  to  Tion- 
nontoguen,  which  was  distant  four  leagues  from  those  two 
forts.  They  said  that  the  whole  country  was  lost ;  that  Gan- 
daouage  was  besieged  by  an  army  of  Loups;  that  all  the 
young  men  had  fallen,  and  that  Gandagaro,  which  is  the 
neighboring  fort,  was  in  most  desperate  straits. 

It  was  eight  o'clock  in  the  morning  when  the  news  had 
spread  through  all  the  district.  Our  warriors,  without  be- 
coming disconcerted,  dressed  themselves  in  all  the  most 
precious  things  they  had,  according  to  the  custom  observed 
by  them  on  such  occasions,  and  advanced  on  the  enemy. 

"  I  was  among  the  first  to  march,  to  see  if  I  could  not 
save  some  one  in  the  midst  of  the  carnage.  ...  At  our 
arrival  we  heard  only  mournful  cries  over  the  death  of  the 
bravest  of  the  village.  The  enemy  had  already  retreated 
after  two  hours'  obstinate  fighting.  There  was  only  a  single 
Loup  left  in  the  place,  and  I  saw  that  an  Iroquois  had  already 
cut  off  his  hands  and  feet,  skinned  him  and  separated  the 
flesh  from  the  bones  and  was  preparing  a  detestable  repast. 

"  When  all  our  warriors  arrived  and  found  the  enemy 
no  longer  there,  they  promptly  had  a  supply  of  cornmeal  pre- 
pared that  they  might  start  in  pursuit  of  the  enemy.  The 
provisions  being  ready,  they  immediately  embarked  in  canoes 
on  our  river,  which  is  very  sivift,  and  as  they  followed  the 
current,  they  made  very  good  progress.  When  night  came, 
they  sent  out  scouts,  who  were  almost  entrapped  by  the 
pickets  of  the  Loups. 

206 


JOHN  PIERRON. 

"  Then  the  Iroquois  made  a  wide  detour  and  laid  an  am- 
buscade in  a  precipitous  place,  a  very  well  chosen  spot,  from 
which  the  entire  road  leading  to  the  Dutch  was  controlled. 
In  the  morning,  the  Loups  broke  camp,  and  as  they  were 
marching  in  single  file,  as  savages  usually  do,  they  walked 
into  the  trap  and  a  shower  of  balls  put  to  flight  those  who 
were  not  killed.  Frightful  yells  arose  on  all  sides  of  the 
forest.  The  Loups,  however,  rallied  in  the  place  where  they 
had  encamped  during  the  night.  There  they  were  furiously 
assaulted  by  the  Iroquois.  At  first  they  made  a  vigorous 
resistance,  but  the  cowardice  of  some  of  their  number 
forced  them  to  yield.  However,  ten  out  of  the  entire  band 
threw  up  a  trench,  intending  to  fight  to  the  last.  There 
the  battle  raged  until  night  put  an  end  to  the  contest.  Next 
morning  the  enemy  had  fled.  It  was  said  that  there  were 
nearly  a  hundred  warriors  on  the  side  of  the  enemy  who 
perished.  They  were  either  slain  in  the  fight  or  drowned  in 
the  river.  The  victors,  following  the  custom  of  the  savages, 
cut  off  the  heads  of  the  slain  in  order  to  remove  the  scalps, 
but  I  find  it  difficult  to  believe  that  the  number  was  so  great 
as  the  Iroquois  brought  back  only  nineteen  scalps." 

Apart  from  the  historical  interest  of  this  chapter  it  sets 
at  rest  a  very  important  question  of  topography. 

Gandaouage  signifies  "  rapids,"  but  at  the  present  time 
there  are  no  rapids  in  the  Mohawk  between  Little  Falls  and 
Cohoes.  This  letter  of  Father  Pierron,  however,  settles  be- 
yond any  doubt  that  such  was  not  the  case  240  years  ago.  He 
says  explicitly  that  the  river  just  there  was  fort  rapide,  and 
that  they  made  the  trip  down  the  stream  avec  une  fort  grand? 
diligence  parcequ-ils  suivaient  le  conrant  de  I'eau.  Gan- 
daouage, or  Auriesville,  therefore  was  the  village  of  the 
rapids.  The  actual  sluggish  condition  of  the  stream  is  easily 
accounted  for  by  the  fact  that  the  main  body  of  the  water 
has  been  drawn  off  to  make  the  Erie  Canal,  the  factories  all 
along  the  shore  have  drained  it  also;  the  railroad  embank- 

207 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

merits  have  cut  off  supplies  from  the  hills,  and  the  hills 
themselves,  denuded  of  forests,  now  no  longer  feed  the 
streams  that  once  tumbled  down  the  slopes. 

It  would  be  historically  incorrect  to  say,  as  some  maintain, 
that  Gandaouage  received  its  name  because  the  Indians  of 
the  Mohawk  went  to  Caughnawaga,  on  the  St.  Lawrence, 
for  Gandaouage  existed  long  before  Caughnawaga  was 
established. 

Finally,  the  name  is  not  derived  from  Kanewage,  or 
"  flint,"  which  was  the  symbol  of  the  Mohawk  tribe,  as  Sir 
William  Johnson  suggests.  Father  Melangon,  S.J.,  who 
was  a  missionary  among  the  Iroquois  at  Caughnawaga, 
shows  that  Kanewage  and  Gandaouage  are  radically  dif- 
ferent. To  sum  up,  there  were  rapids  at  Gandaouage  in 
former  times,  and  another  letter  to  be  quoted  in  the  course  of 
this  sketch  confirms  that  conclusion.  This  phrase  therefore 
in  Pierron's  war-letter  apparently  settles  a  long  disputed 
point. 

Pierron  was  born  at  Dun-sur-Meuse,  September  28,  1631. 
He  became  a  Jesuit,  November  21,  1650,  and  after  a  bril- 
liant course  of  studies  and  teaching  came  to  Canada  in  1667. 
Almost  immediately  he  set  out  for  the  Mohawk  country 
with  Fremin  and  Bruyas,  getting  his  first  taste  of  danger  as 
he  hurried  away  from  the  pursuing  Mohegans,  who  chased 
his  party  to  the  very  gates  of  Gandaouage. 

He  was  left  alone  at  Tionnontoguen,  for  Father  Fremin 
started  shortly  after  for  the  Seneca  country,  entrusting  to 
this  raw  recruit  the  care  of  the  new  post.  The  braves  were 
away  scalping  the  Mohegans,  but  the  squaws  and  old  men 
listened  to  his  stumbling  discourses  and  grew  interested  in 
what  he  was  trying  to  tell  them.  Some  of  them,  however, 
refused,  and  Pierron  resorted  to  a  device  which  is  worth 
recording,  as  it  made  him  famous  all  through  the  valley. 
He  invented  a  game  which  he  called  "From  Point  to  Point," 
one  point  being  birth,  the  other  eternity. 

It  is  hard  to  be  perfectly  sure  of  what  "  Point  to  Point " 

208 


JOHN  PIERRON. 

was  from  the  description  given  in  the  Relations  of  1670,  for 
he  tells  us,  "  it  was  composed  of  emblems  representing  all 
that  a  Christian  should  know.  I  painted  the  seven  sacra- 
ments, the  three  theological  virtues,  all  the  command- 
ments of  God,  and  the  principal  mortal  sins,  and  even  the 
venial  sins  which  are  ordinarily  committed;  each  expressed 
according  to  its  rank,  along  with  the  marks  of  horror  that 
one  ought  to  have  for  them.  Original  sin  has  a  particular 
place,  followed  by  all  the  woes  it  caused.  I  represented 
there  the  four  ends  of  man,  the  fear  of  God,  indulgences,  etc. 
In  a  word,  all  that  a  Christian  should  know  is  depicted." 

The  idea  had  come  to  him  while  he  was  still  a  scholastic  in 
France  when  hearing  of  the  wonders  achieved  by  Father 
Maunoir  with  the  people  of  Brittany  by  means  of  pictures, 
and  he  devoted  all  his  spare  time  to  drawing,  painting  and 
copying  the  great  masters.  Rochemonteix  says  "  he  never 
became  a  master  himself,  but  there  was  no  need  of  being  a 
Raphael  for  the  purpose  in  view."  At  any  rate,  "  Point  to 
Point "  caused  a  sensation  all  along  the  river;  it  was  talked 
of  in  the  councils  and  discussed  in  the  wigwams.  Everyone 
wanted  to  see  it.  It  was  commended  even  in  Canada,  and 
the  Venerable  Marie  de  1'Incarnation  goes  into  ecstacies  over 
it  and  describes  it  in  detail.  What  particularly  amuses  her 
is  the  picture  of  "  the  squaw  stuffing  her  ears  while  a  whole 
lot  of  devils  are  pouring  fire  into  those  organs  and  torturing 
every  part  of  her  body.  The  Father  is  looked  upon  as  an 
extraordinary  genius,"  says  the  Venerable  Mother,  "  and 
the  rest  of  the  missionaries  are  sorry  they  are  not  painters." 

"  From  Point  to  Point "  was  not  merely  a  tableau.  It 
was  a  game  not  of  chance,  but  of  knowledge  and  skill.  As 
the  Indians  are  inveterate  gamblers,  this  pious  device  caught 
them  by  their  weak  point.  Directions  for  playing  the  game 
were  printed  at  the  bottom  of  each  section,  and  the  game 
was  so  popular  that  he  had  to  have  it  engraved  at  Quebec  to 
meet  the  demand  for  it.  He  says  with  delight :  "  There  are 
some  of  our  Iroquois  to  whom  I  have  taught  it  only  twice, 
u  209 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

and  who  have  learned  it  perfectly;  others  to  whom  I  have 
shown  it  only  four  times,  and  who  are  so  skilful  that  they 
have  obliged  me  to  play  it  with  them.  We  passed  the  Easter 
holidays  agreeably  with  this  game,  which  is  equally  holy  and 
profitable.  All  our  savages  have  an  extreme  passion  for 
playing  it.  I  have  written  a  little  book  on  it,  and  I  hope  to 
have  it  next  year,  with  another  game — a  wordly  one — that  I 
have  invented  for  destroying  all  the  superstitions  of  our 
savages."  This  pious  Monte  Carlo  in  the  woods  of  the  Mo- 
hawk affords  a  refreshing  revelation  of  the  character  of  this 
distinguished  professor  of  the  great  colleges  of  France  re- 
sorting to  such  kindergarten  methods  to  catch  the  fancy  of 
those  degraded  souls. 

He  has  another  claim  to  distinction ;  not  a  great  one,  but 
interesting  as  a  matter  of  history.  In  the  "  Frontiersmen  of 
New  York  "  it  is  recorded  that  "  the  first  schools  in  the 
Schoharie  settlements  began  to  be  taught  prior  to  1740 ;  one 
Spease  kept  the  first,  one  Keller  the  next ;  one  in  Dutch,  the 
other  in  German."  But  anent  this  piece  of  belated  educa- 
tional history  it  is  worth  knowing  that  one  Pierron  tried  to 
teach  reading  and  writing  to  Indian  boys  near  the  Schoharie 
almost  a  hundred  years  before  Keller  and  Spease  gathered 
their  young  Dutch  and  German  lads  around  them.  The  lit- 
tle red  school  house  of  the  Mohawk  can  point  to  him  as  its 
founder.  Unhappily  his  pupils  preferred  the  chase  to  the 
class  room,  and  their  fathers  frowned  on  his  efforts  to  make 
the  boys  use  a  pen  instead  of  an  arrow,  or  to  learn  the  alpha- 
bet instead  of  tracking  the  deer,  and  so  Pierron,  after  a 
while,  like  so  many  other  schoolmasters,  gave  up  his  work 
in  despair.  His  pupils  wanted  manual  training. 

One  may  easily  imagine  that  a  man  of  such  engaging  per- 
sonality as  Pierron  certainly  was,  would  attract  the  attention 
of  any  of  the  distinguished  white  settlers  who  happened  to  be 
in  those  sparsely  inhabited  regions.  Such  was  the  case. 
Later  on  we  shall  find  him  hobnobbing  with  the  old  Puritans 
of  Boston,  among  whom  he  came  like  an  apparition ;  and  so, 

210 


JOHN  PIERRON. 

although  the  Relations  make  no  mention  of  it,  a  little  scrap 
of  paper,  all  brown  with  age,  but  apparently  very  lovingly 
preserved,  which  is  signed  Jean  Pirron  de  la  Compagnie  de 
Jesus,  and  was  lately  discovered  among  the  Schuyler  papers, 
informs  us  that  very  pleasant  and  cordial  relations  existed 
between  that  family  and  the  lonely  man  who  lived  among  his 
savages  fifty  miles  further  on  in  the  wilderness. 

It  is  written  in  French  and  is  from  Tinniontogen,  as  Pier- 
ron  spells  the  name  of  the  village,  and  dated  1667.  That 
was  after  the  Dutch  had  lost  their  grasp  on  the  territory. 
It  is  addressed  to  Monsieur  Riinselaer  et  aux  autres  Mes-\ 
sieurs,  Les  Commissaires  d'Albanie,  a  Albanie,  and  every 
word  of  it  shows  the  courtly  French  gentleman.  He  says 
among  other  things :  "  I  hold  myself  so  obliged  for  the 
honor  I  received  from  you  at  Schennecte  (Schenectady)  that 
I  shall  eternally  guard  my  affection  for  you  as  well  as  the 
desire  to  be  of  service  if  ever  the  occasion  presents  itself. 
Neither  white  nor  black,  nor  difference  of  religion,  will  in- 
terfere with  that  friendship,  and  during  all  our  grand  dis- 
putes, which  made  us  perhaps  appear  in  the  eyes  of  our  sav- 
ages as  foes,  I  preserved  that  affection  in  its  integrity,  and 
I  beg  you  to  do  the  same  in  my  regard."  Some  little  busi- 
ness matters  are  then  mentioned  and  afterward  apparently 
there  is  a  reference  to  a  controversial  subject :  "  I  have  given 
Mons.  de  Hinsse  some  nuts  to  crack.  Will  you  not  take  your 
share,  especially  you  mon  Antagoniste ',  from  whom,  how- 
ever, I  ask  toute  la  consideration  de  vos  bonnes  graces; 
every  consideration  of  your  kindest  favor."  The  Antago- 
niste was  probably  M .  Riinselaer.  The  letter  ends :  '  To 
you,  Gentlemen,  I  am,  with  the  assurance  of  being  always 
such,  Your  very  humble  and  very  obedient  servant,  Jean 
Pierron."  The  seal  on  the  letter  looks  like  a  heart  with  a 
crown  of  thorns. 

Perhaps  those  kindly  acts  of  the  old  Patroon  had  some- 
thing to  do  with  the  gift  of  faith  of  some  of  his  descendants, 
as  well  as  with  the  religious  vocation  of  one  of  them  to  the 

311 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

same  Order  of  which  Pierron  was  such  a  distinguished  rep- 
resentative. The  little  scrap  of  paper  comes  like  a  blessed 
and  comforting  messenger  from  the  forgotten  past. 

It  is  of  interest  to  know  that  Pierron  was  a  more  than 
usually  energetic  though  unsuccessful  apostle  of  temperance. 
The  great  curse  of  the  Indians  was  the  liquor  which  poured 
in  torrents  through  the  Iroquois  country  from  the  inexhaust- 
ible casks  of  the  Dutch  and  English  traders.  The  Indian  is 
bad  enough  at  any  time,  but  when  filled  with  firewater  he 
becomes  an  incarnate  fiend.  The  scenes  that  occurred  in  the 
orgies  following  immediately  on  the  distribution  of  the 
liquor  cannot  be  described.  He  preached  and  prayed  against 
it,  and  the  old  chiefs,  who  saw  that  it  was  destroying  their 
people  more  rapidly  than  the  tomahawks  or  musket  balls  of 
the  enemy,  helped  him  in  his  crusade.  But  in  vain.  Finally 
he  determined  to  resort  to  Government  prohibition,  and  for 
that  purpose  sent  a  solemn  delegation  of  Mohawk  sachems 
to  Governor  Lovelace,  at  Manhattan,  to  beg  him  to  stop  the 
traffic.  It  is  not  said  that  he  went  with  them.  Perhaps  it 
is  well  that  he  did  not.  He  would  have  lost  heart. 

Lovelace  was  an  easy  going  man ;  a  courtier  who  tried  to 
steer  his  way  amid  the  domestic  difficulties  by  which  he  was 
surrounded.  President  Roosevelt  in  his  Nerv  York  calls  him 
"  an  archetypical  cavalier."  He  was  Governor  in  the  stormy 
days  when  the  English  were  taking  possession  of  the  colony ; 
so  that  he  was  very  wary  of  offending  any  of  the  magnates 
of  Manhattan,  who  might  be  making  money  by  selling 
liquor.  But,  worst  of  all,  he  himself  had  established  a  tavern 
in  the  very  walls  of  the  Stadt  Huys.  Mr.  Roosevelt  calls 
it  a  "  social  club,"  but  John  Innes,  in  his  New  Amsterdam 
and  Its  People,  is  more  severe.  He  tells  us  that  "  in  1670 
Governor  Francis  Lovelace,  who  had  acquired  a  plot  of 
ground  immediately  adjoining  the  Stadt  Huys,  upon  the 
west,  commenced  the  erection  of  an  inn  or  ordinary,  and 
asked  permission  to  build  the  upper  part  of  the  house  some- 
thing over  the  passage  of  the  town  which  lieth  between 

212 


JOHN  PIERRON. 

State  House  and  the  lot ;  and  to  make  a  door  to  go  from  the 
upper  part  of  the  house  into  the  Courts'  Chambers.  The 
term  'chambers '  used  in  the  communication  is  hardly  likely 
to  have  referred  to  the  private  rooms  of  the  magistrates, 
because  tavern  connection,  though  possibly  very  convenient 
in  some  cases,  might  have  led  to  public  scandal  against  those 
high  officials.  The  tavern  of  Governor  Lovelace  is  shown 
upon  the  Danker  and  Sluyter  map  of  1679."  Had  poor 
Father  Pierron  suspected  that  the  Governor  was  slaking  the 
legislative  and  judicial  thirst  of  the  Province  and  putting 
money  in  his  purse  by  means  of  it,  he  would  scarcely  have 
organized  that  prohibition  petition  at  all.  Lovelace  com- 
mended the  temperance  proclivities  of  the  delegation,  prom- 
ised to  do  all  sorts  of  things  to  stop  the  evil,  but  did  nothing. 
How  could  he  ?  He  is  praised  in  the  Relations,  however,  for 
his  benevolent  disposition. 

Had  Father  Pierron  applied  later  on  to  the  Catholic  Don- 
gan  instead  of  the  Protestant  Lovelace,  he  would  scarcely 
have  had  better  luck,  for  Dongan's  ideas  on  the  liquor  ques- 
tion seem  to  have  been  influenced  by  the  character  of  the 
beverage.  Writing  to  Denonville,  September  29,  1686,  he 
asks,  indignantly :  "  Think  you,  Sir,  that  religion  will  pro- 
gress whilst  your  merchants  supply,  as  they  do,  brandy,  in 
abundance,  which  converts  the  savages,  as  you  ought  to 
know,  into  demons  and  their  cabins  into  counterparts  and 
theatres  of  hell?" 

In  fact,  two  months  later  Denonville  puts  down  in  a 
Memoir  that  "  Governor  Dongan  sent  emissaries  among  our 
savages  at  Montreal  to  debauch  them  and  draw  them  to  him, 
promising  them  missionaries  and  assuring  them  that  he 
would  prevent  brandy  being  conveyed  to  their  villages."  At 
first  sight  that  seems  very  creditable  for  Dongan,  but  unfor- 
tunately he  writes  in  the  following  month,  December  1, 
1687,  to  Denonville :  "  Care  would  be  taken  to  dissuade  the 
Indians  from  their  drunken  debauches,  though  certainly  our 
rum  doth  as  little  hurt  as  your  brandy,  and  in  the  opinion  of 

213 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

Christians  is  much  more  wholesome.  However,  to  keep  the 
Indians  temperate  and  sober  is  a  very  good  Christian  per- 
formance, but  to  prohibit  them  all  strong  liquors  seems  a 
little  hard,  and  very  Turkish."  Evidently  Dongan  was  badly 
informed  about  the  conditions,  and  even  if  it  were  "  Turk- 
ish "  he  should  have  tried  to  keep  the  Indians  sober. 

As  a  matter  of  fact,  New  York  ways  at  that  time  do  not 
seem  to  have  been  far  removed  from  those  of  the  Indian 
camps  in  the  matter  of  temperance,  though,  as  Fiske  sug- 
gests there  may  be  some  exaggeration.  "  It  was  said  that 
one-quarter  of  all  the  houses  were  places  for  retailing  beer 
and  spirits,  and  the  streets  were  noisy  with  tipplers.  An- 
dros  tried  his  best  to  stop  it,  resorting  to  such  drastic  meas- 
ures as  fining  every  house  in  the  street  where  a  drunken  man 
was  picked  up,  if  the  magistrate  could  not  discover  who  sold 
the  liquor."  So  that  poor  Father  Pierron's  Indians  must 
have  had  a  fine  exhibition  before  their  eyes  of  the  benefits 
of  civilization. 

There  is  one  glory  that  can  especially  be  ascribed  to  Pier- 
ron,  viz:  that  of  having  delivered  the  first  blow  in  the  de- 
struction of  the  worship  of  the  cruel  god  of  war,  Agreskoue. 
At  the  imminent  risk  of  his  life  he  started  the  movement 
which  did  away  even  with  the  mention  of  the  name  Agres- 
koue, and  forced  the  substitution  in  its  stead  of  that  of  Niio, 
the  God  of  the  Christians,  which  is  now  almost  universally 
used  even  by  the  pagan  Indians  in  speaking  of  the  Great 
Spirit.  Possibly  it  was  in  the  designs  of  Providence  that 
this  revolution  should  have  been  effected  on  the  very  spot 
where  Father  Jogues  was  martyred  and  where  he  constantly 
manifested  contempt  for  that  deity.  That  the  triumph  was 
really  won  at  Auriesville  we  are  certain,  for  we  find  in 
"  New  Amsterdam  and  Its  People,"  already  referred  to,  and 
also  in  "  The  Dutch  and  Quaker  Colonies,"  by  Fiske  (vol. 
II,  p.  55),  that  when  Governor  Andros  came  to  the  Mo- 
hawk, in  1674,  to  settle  the  question  of  Jesuit  intrigue,  he 
found  "  the  first  Indian  castle  on  the  west  bank  of  the  Scho- 

214 


JOHN  PIERRON. 

harie  Creek,  at  its  junction  with  the  river."  That  is  the 
exact  spot. 

This  defeat  of  Agreskoue  took  place  during  a  solemn  feast 
of  the  dead.  As  is  well  known,  it  was  customary  for  the 
Indians  to  watch  over  the  remains  of  their  departed  with  the 
greatest  solicitude,  generally  placing  them  upon  lofty  scaf- 
folding, to  protect  them  from  the  wild  beasts,  and  when  the 
flesh  decayed,  arranging  the  bleaching  bones,  but  especially 
the  skulls,  in  some  place  outside  the  camp,  the  squaws  mak- 
ing it  a  sacred  duty  to  protect  them  from  desecration.  Every 
ten  years  a  general  entombment  of  those  who  had  died  in  the 
interim  took  place,  and  \vas  made  the  occasion  for  the  most 
solemn  and  splendid  ceremonies.  We  have  a  description 
of  one  of  these  festivals,  in  which  Jerome  Lalemant,  Pijart, 
and  Raymbault  participated  at  Lake  Huron,  thirty-two  years 
before  Pierron  witnessed  it  on  the  Mohawk,  and  we  quote 
it  here  as  a  description  of  what  occurred  on  the  occasion  of 
which  we  speak. 

On  the  appointed  day,  we  are  told,  the  Indians  all  gath- 
ered at  the  end  of  a  deep  bay  on  the  eastern  shore  of  Lake 
Huron.  You  could  see  their  canoes  coming  from  all  points 
of  the  horizon,  and  when  near  the  shore  ranging  themselves 
according  to  their  tribes  in  order  of  battle.  When  they 
were  all  assembled  the  chief  arose  and  in  a  loud  and  solemn 
voice  announced  the  purpose  of  their  meeting,  and  in  token 
of  welcome  flung  into  the  lake  the  most  precious  objects  he 
had,  tomahawks,  peltries  and  the  like,  which  the  young 
braves  plunged  into  the  water  to  seize,  bringing  them  up 
from  the  bottom  amid  the  joyous  shouts  and  cries  of  the 
spectators.  It  was  the  first  part  of  the  programme. 

Coming  ashore,  there  was  a  grand  display  on  the  beach  of 
all  their  treasures ;  namely,  the  skins  of  beaver  and  otter  and 
caribou  and  wild  cat,  hatchets  and  pots  and  belts  of  wam- 
pum. Some  of  the  furs,  writes  Lalemant,  would  have  cost 
forty  or  fifty  thousand  francs  in  France.  The  allied  nations 
then  made  their  presents  to  the  tribe,  the  Jesuits  bringing 

215 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

theirs.  Then  the  festivities  begin.  They  start  with  a  dance 
representing  a  battle,  the  braves  keeping  step  to  the  beating 
of  a  drum,  the  men  singing  meantime  in  excellent  accord; 
another  graver  dance  by  the  women  follows,  and  finally  the 
planting  of  a  pole,  which  is  flexible  and  well  greased,  at  the 
top  of  which  are  two  prizes,  a  deer  skin  and  a  pot  to  be  won 
by  the  successful  climber. 

Unusual  solemnity  marks  the  programme  of  the  second 
day.  A  cabin  one  hundred  metres  long  is  prepared.  It  is 
shaped  like  a  cradle.  The  women  deck  it  with  the  finest  furs^ 
and  the  men  carry  to  it  the  bones  of  the  dead  in  bark  coffins. 
In  the  evening  the  braves  sing  the  funeral  hymn,  and  the 
women  weep  and  lament.  On  the  morrow  there  are  melan- 
choly farewells  to  the  dead  and  advice  from  the  old  chiefs  to 
the  warriors.  The  women,  with  branches  in  their  hands, 
chase  from  the  cabin  the  souls  of  the  dead,  and  all  the  bones 
are  placed  in  an  immense  pit  lined  with  furs,  belts  of  wam- 
pum and  the  arms  of  the  dead  warriors.  The  festival  ends 
with  banquets  where  dog  meat  is  the  favorite  dish,  and 
finally,  after  games  of  strength,  agility,  and  skill,  the  Indians 
disperse  and  the  ceremony  is  over. 

At  such  a  ceremony  Father  Pierron  assisted  at  Ossernenon 
in  1674.  He  occupied  a  place  of  honor.  An  Onondaga 
chief  was  about  to  hold  forth  when  some  of  the  Mohawks 
began  to  discuss  among  themselves  their  various  beliefs 
about  the  other  world,  the  divinities  worshipped  by  the 
tribes,  etc.  To  the  consternation  of  all,  Pierron,  who  knew 
that  a  tomahawk  might  cleave  his  head  for  his  audacity,  con- 
tradicted and  ridiculed  them.  There  was  an  immediate  out- 
burst of  wrath,  and  a  conspicuous  chieftain,  once  a  friend 
of  Pierron,  bade  him  hold  his  peace  and  withdraw,  forcing 
him  to  stand  among  the  Onondagas  and  women.  Pierron 
feigned  intense  indignation.  He  had  been  five  hours  at  the 
ceremony,  and  now  refused  to  wait  for  the  chanting  of  the 
dirge  which  was  about  to  begin.  Declaring  himself  griev- 
ously insulted,  that  he  would  abandon  the  country,  and  that 

216 


JOHN  PIERRON. 

the  Governor  would  take  it  as  a  personal  affront,  he  left  the 
assembly  amid  the  consternation  of  all.  Breaking  with  the 
French  meant  leaving  them  to  the  mercy  of  the  Mohegans. 

The  chief  who  had  driven  him  from  his  place  came  to 
atone  for  the  offense.  "  We  shall  call  a  council,"  he  said ; 
"  you  will  offer  wampum  to  our  three  families  and  you  will 
say  what  you  have  on  your  mind."  Next  day  the  greatest 
haste  was  made  to  prepare  for  the  meeting,  the  chief  him- 
self, though  sixty  years  of  age,  hurrying  everywhere  to  sum- 
mon the  sachems.  The  council  met.  "  I  then  began  to  de- 
liver my  speech,"  says  Pierron.  "  You  have  received  my 
word  that  I  was  going  to  Quebec.  It  is  true.  After  all  I 
have  sacrificed  for  you,  you  have  done  nothing  to  be  of  the 
same  heart  with  me.  You  still  believe  your  Agreskoue,"  etc. 
After  this  speech  I  threw  down  a  great  belt  of  wampum, 
saying :  "  Agnie,  my  brother,  if  it  is  true  that  thou  wilt 
listen  to  me,  there  is  my  yoice,  which  warns  you  to  renounce 
Agreskoue.  This  speech  was  received  with  great  applause. 
Then  I  threw  down  another  belt  and  warned  them  against 
jugglers.  The  last  present  I  made  was  to  warn  them  against 
the  superstition  of  dances.  Then  I  was  told  I  would  be 
given  the  answer  in  another  council." 

The  difficulty  was  not  yet  arranged,  and  two  other  coun- 
cils were  held,  both  of  them  in  presence  of  the  Onon- 
dagas,  who  had  come  back  from  the  Dutch  colony.  "  As 
soon  as  I  entered,  someone  presented  me  with  a  great  piece 
of  meat,  to  make  me  favorably  disposed.  I  accepted  it 
and  shared  it  with  those  nearest  me.  Then  the  great  Gar- 
agontie  spoke  indorsing  what  I  had  said,  but  they  told 
him  to  be  silent.  They  accepted  the  words  of  the  French- 
man. They  would  do  what  I  told  them. 

"  I  went  forth  from  the  assembly,"  he  writes,  "  filled  with 
joy.  It  was  the  feast  of  the  Annunciation." 

On  the  next  day  the  second  council  was  called,  and  there 
was  a  complete  surrender.  "  The  promise  was  made  to  re- 
nounce Agreskoue,  and  I  was  presented  with  as  much  porce- 

217 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

lain  as  I  had  given.  I  thanked  them,  and  some  days  later 
I  saw  the  sorcerers  throwing  into  the  fire  their  tortoise- 
drums  and  other  instruments  of  their  calling;  they  were  no 
longer  summoned  in  sickness,  no  dance  was  allowed  but  with 
my  permission.  When  a  man  who  did  not  belong  to  the 
country  or  who  was  drunk  invoked  Agreskoue  he  was  re- 
proved and  ordered  to  be  silent,  and  was  informed  that  the 
demon  was  no  longer  invoked  among  the  Agniers.  The 
whole  face  of  things  is  changed,"  he  adds,  "and  we  have  now 
a  field  for  several  fervent  missionaries." 

Soon  after  this  Pierron  was  summoned  to  Quebec  to  give 
an  account  of  the  condition  of  the  country  to  Talon  and  de 
Courcelles.  He  was  then  sent  to  La  Prairie  and  afterwards 
we  find  him  far  away  in  Acadia.  That  was  between  the 
going  thither  of  Druillettes  and  the  arrival  of  Father  Rasle. 
He  did  not,  however,  minister  to  the  Abenakis,  but  to  the 
French,  though  there  is  no  record  of  what  he  did  or  whither 
he  went.  From  thence  he  sets  out  on  a  very  daring  venture. 
He  travels  in  disguise  through  all  the  English  colonies,  Bos- 
ton and  New  York,  until  he  finally  arrives  among  the  Jesuits 
of  Maryland.  What  was  his  purpose  we  have  no  means  of 
ascertaining. 

At  Boston  he  created  a  sensation,  and  the  memory  of  it, 
we  are  told  by  Dablon,  remained  for  some  years.  The 
Catalogue,  which  never  indulges  in  flattery,  describes  Pier- 
ron as  a  subtle  theologian,  a  distinguished  literateur  and 
rhetorician,  and  we  know  him  as  a  tolerable  draughtsman. 
That  explains  how  he  immediately  attracted  attention,  was 
received  everywhere,  and  even  had  the  audacity  to  engage 
in  religious  discussions  with  the  ministers.  Possibly  he  had 
a  tilt  with  Eliot  Then  it  began  to  be  bruited  about  that  he 
was  a  Jesuit,  and  he  was  cited  before  the  General  Assembly. 
That  he  could  not  afford  to  do,  and  probably  in  another  dis- 
guise he  disappeared  from  public  view.  He  was  not  pur- 
sued, for  Boston  could  not  concern  itself  over  much  with  a 
religious  inquisition  just  then.  Its  relations  with  the  mother 

218 


JOHN  PIERRON. 

country  were  strained;  the  Royal  Commissioners  had  sent 
home  a  very  unfavorable  account  of  it;  even  speaking  of 
Harvard  as  a  "  wooden  college  " ;  a  fleet  had  appeared  in  the 
harbor  to  awe  the  colonists,  and,  worst  of  all,  the  Pequod, 
King  Philip,  who  had  been  baptized  a  Christian,  was  on  the 
warpath  and  massacre  was  the  order  of  the  day.  The  good 
people  of  Boston  were  displeased,  of  course,  by  Pierron's 
sudden  flight,  but  were  not  so  much  annoyed,  as  we  learn 
from  the  Labadist  diary,  that  he  was  a  Jesuit  as  that  he  was 
disguised. 

We  are  at  first  puzzled  to  explain  how  this  hard  working 
missionary,  who  had  only  a  short  time  before  arrived  from 
France,  and  who  since  then  had  lived  in  the  woods,  could 
discuss  science  and  literature  in  Boston.  Could  he  speak 
English  ?  We  get  the  answer  from  a  letter  written  to  him 
by  Col.  Nicolls,  a  conspicuous  lawyer  of  those  days,  who 
had  married  into  the  Van  Rensselaer  family.  It  is  dated 
Fort  Albany,  October  24,  1667,  and  says  : 

"  Sir :  Having  seen  your  very  agreeable  letter  to  Madame 
de  Corlart  of  the  13th  of  September,  and  also  another  to  Mr. 
Hains,  I  feel  very  glad  to  communicate  briefly  my  senti- 
ments to  you  thereon;  but,  seeing  by  the  commencement  of 
yours  to  Madame  de  Corlart  that  you  have  thoroughly 
learned  the  English  language,  I  dare  no  longer  hazard  my 
bad  French  style,  fearing  to  appear  very  ignorant  before  you, 
as  I  am,  in  fact,  of  your  tongue.  Therefore  it  is  I  now  begin 
in  plain  English  to  let  you  know  that  if  you  please  to  give 
me  a  meeting  at  Schonestade,  I  shall  be  glad  to  see  you  and 
to  serve  you  in  what  you  seem  to  desire  towards  your  winter 
provision." 

The  colonel  then  communicates  to  him  all  the  news  he 
had  about  the  war  going  on  in  Europe ;  how  the  French  had 
taken  some  towns  in  Flanders,  etc.,  and  then  continues: 
"  However,  to  a  person  of  your  profession  and  merit,  I 
should  at  any  time  willingly  accept  an  interview  without  en- 
tering into  discourse  of  politique  affairs.  Therefore  this 

219 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

present  letter  is  expressly  sent  in  place  of  a  passport  to  give 
you  full  assurance  of  your  freedom  to  come  to  Schoneistade 
and  to  return  at  your  liberty,  and  if  you  please  to  bring  one 
more  in  your  company  upon  the  same  terms  I  shall  en- 
deavor to  answer  your  desires.  Be  pleased  to  come  with 
all  expedition,  as  I  have  little  time  to  spend  there,  and  you 
will  find  me  next  Munday  and  till  Tuesday  attending  your 
answer.  You  may  easily  and  with  the  most  expedition  make 
the  voyage  in  a  canoe  down  the  river,  otherwise  I  would 
have  sent  horses  for  your  accommodation.  If  you  cannot 
lay  hold  of  the  present  opportunity,  bee  pleased  to  send  mee 
your  speedy  answer  by  this  bearer  in  case  you  are  not  dis- 
posed to  take  so  suddain  a  voyage, 
"lam, 

"  Your  very  humble  servant, 

"  R.   NlCOLLS." 

"  A  Monsieur 

"  Monsieur  le  Reverend  Pere  Jean  Pierron, 
"  au  Chasteau  Tionnontogon, 

"  Soit  donne." 

It  may  be  worth  noting  here  that  the  Colonel  reminds 
Father  Pierron  that  the  quickest  way  of  travelling  from 
Auriesville  to  Schenectady  was  by  canoe.  "  You  can  make 
the  journey  with  most  expedition  in  that  way,  otherwise  I 
would  have  sent  horses."  The  current  must  have  indeed 
been  swift,  for  the  trails  in  that  part  of  the  country  were  well 
beaten  and  direct  roads  on  which  a  horse  could  travel  fast. 

We  have  no  record  of  his  doings  in  New  York.  Andros, 
who  sniffed  Jesuit  intrigue  even  in  the  Long  House  of  the 
Mohawk,  was  then  Governor,  but  the  people  of  Manhattan 
were  very  little  concerned  about  religion.  The  Home  Gov- 
ernment was  informed  that  the  ministers  were  so  scarce  that 
no  account  could  be  given  of  children's  births  and  christen- 
ings. Scarcity  of  ministers,  and  the  law  admitting  mar- 
riages by  justices  prevented  also  any  account  of  the  number 
married. 

220 


JOHN  PIERRON. 

It  may  be  of  New  York  that  Pierron  speaks  when  he  says 
"  I  found  naught  but  desolation  and  abomination  among 
the  heretics  who  will  not  even  baptize  children,  still  less 
adults."  He  saw  persons  thirty  and  forty  years  old  and  even 
as  many  as  ten  or  twelve  in  a  single  house  who  had  not  re- 
ceived baptism.  He  had  the  happiness  of  preparing  a 
heretic  for  abjuration. 

He  did  not,  of  course,  see  Philadelphia,  for,  although  the 
Quakers  were  being  scourged  and  pilloried  in  New  Eng- 
land, William  Penn  had  not  yet  inaugurated  his  "  holy  ex- 
periment," though  doubtless  the  traveller  passed  through 
the  Swedish  colony  on  the  Delaware.  Of  it,  however,  he 
does  not  speak. 

"  In  Maryland,"  says  Dablon,  "  I  found  two  of  our 
Fathers  and  a  Brother ;  the  Fathers  being  dressed  like  gentle- 
men, and  the  Brother  like  a  farmer.  In  fact,  he  has  charge 
of  the  farm,  which  serves  to  support  the  two  missionaries." 
Consulting  the  old  catalogues,  the  Fathers  must  have  been 
Fathers  Clavering  and  Waldegrave  alias  Pelham.  The  good 
"  farmer's  "  name  is  not  recorded.  Three  years  later,  how- 
ever, these  Jesuit  missionaries  had  received  some  help,  so 
that  the  number  of  Jesuits  laboring  there  were  eight.  New- 
ton Manor  was  their  principal  place  of  abode.  They  did 
not  seem  to  be  concerning  themselves  much  just  then  with 
the  Indians,  and  Pierron  proposed  to  undertake  that  work, 
but  his  offer  was  not  accepted,  the  reasons  alleged  being  that 
he  belonged  to  another  "  Assistancy  "  and  that  there  was  no 
money  available;  both  of  them  futile  excuses.  Possibly 
they  were  not  comfortable  about  Father  Pierron' s  presence, 
and  perhaps  even  a  trifle  suspicious  of  him. 

A  little  later  a  curious  trail  crosses  the  path  of  the  trav- 
eller. In  Europe,  Labadie,  who  had  been  first  a  Jesuit 
scholastic,  then  a  Carmelite,  and  subsequently  a  Calvinist, 
had  established  his  ridiculous  communist  society  and  sent 
out  his  two  principal  adherents,  Bankers  and  Sluyter,  to  find 
a  suitable  place  in  America  for  a  settlement.  Mr.  Henry  C. 

221 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

Murphy  has  left  us  the  diary  of  these  two  men  in  the  first 
volume  of  the  Long  Island  Historical  Society,  and  we  can 
follow  them  step  by  step  in  their  journey.  Arriving  at  New 
York,  July  27,  1683,  they  won  over  to  their  views  an  indi- 
vidual then  conspicuous  in  society  there.  He  was  the  grand- 
son of  the  Augustyn  Hermen  or  Herman  or  Heermans  who 
had  established  Bohemia  Manor  on  the  Delaware.  The  per- 
suasive Labadists  induced  him  to  make  over  to  them  a  por- 
tion of  this  great  estate,  and  thither  they  repaired  to  examine 
it.  They  took  with  them  also  a  prominent  New  Yorker, 
Peter  Bayard,  which  will  explain  how  the  Bayards  came  to 
be  identified  with  Delaware. 

Arriving  in  Maryland,  Dankers  and  Sluyter  record  their 
impressions :  "  The  priests  of  Canada  take  care  of  the  re- 
gion, and  hold  correspondence  with  those  here  as  well  as 
with  those  who  reside  among  the  Indians.  It  is  said  there 
is  not  an  Indian  fort  between  Canada  and  Maryland  where 
there  is  not  a  Jesuit  who  teaches  and  advises  the  Indians, 
who  begin  to  listen  to  them  too  much,  so  much  so  that  some 
people  in  Virginia  and  Maryland,  as  well  as  in  New  Nether- 
lands, have  been  apprehensive  lest  there  might  be  an  out- 
break." In  spite  of  this  dangerous  propinquity,  however, 
the  socialist  colony  was  established  at  Bohemia  Manor.  It 
did  not  last  long.  It  was  too  absurd  a  scheme,  and  it  is 
comforting  to  note  that  long  after,  namely,  in  1704,  Father 
Thomas  Mansell  paddled  up  Bohemia  Creek  and  founded  a 
Jesuit  mission,  not  exactly  on  the  same  spot,  but  near  enough 
to  be  known  as  Bohemia  Manor,  a  name  which  it  still  re- 
tains. Later  on,  "  Jacky  "  Carroll,  afterwards  Archbishop 
of  Baltimore,  went  to  school  at  that  Bohemia  Manor  with 
the  Neals  and  Brents  and  other  children  of  the  Maryland 
Catholic  families. 

After  establishing  their  colony,  the  Labadist  envoys  re- 
traced their  steps  and  visited  Boston,  where  they  discovered 
the  tracks  of  Father  Pierron.  Of  the  city  itself  they  give 
us  a  very  discouraging  picture. 

222 


JOHN  PIERRON. 

Describing  its  religious  condition,  they  say :  "  There  was 
less  devotion  even  than  in  New  York ;  no  respect,  no  rever- 
ence; nothing  but  the  name  of  Independents,  and  that  was 
all.  In  one  church  one  minister  made  a  prayer,  two  hours 
long;  after  which  an  old  minister  made  a  sermon  for  an- 
other hour,  and  the  service  continued  for  three  or  four 
hours;  when  one  minister  was  tired,  another  went  up  into 
the  pulpit.  We  heard  preaching  in  three  churches  by  per- 
sons who  seemed  to  possess  zeal,  but  no  just  knowledge  of 
Christianity."  They  visited  John  Eliot,  who  was  then 
seventy-seven  years  old.  "  He  could  speak  neither  Dutch 
nor  French,  and  with  our  little  English  and  some  Latin  we 
managed  to  understand  each  other.  He  deplored  the  de- 
cline of  the  Church  in  New  England,  especially  in  Boston. 
We  went  to  Cambridge,  where  is  the  only  college,  or  would- 
be  academy  of  the  Protestants  in  all  America.  We  saw 
eight  or  ten  young  fellows  smoking  tobacco,  with  the  smoke 
of  which  the  house  was  filled,  and  smelt  so  strong  of  it  that 
when  I  was  going  up  stairs  I  said :  '  Certainly  this  is  a 
tavern.'  We  asked  how  many  students  there  were.  They 
said  at  first  thirty ;  then  came  down  to  twenty ;  I  understood 
afterward  that  there  were  probably  not  ten.  They  could 
hardly  speak  a  word  of  Latin.  They  took  us  to  their  library, 
where  there  is  nothing  particular.  We  looked  over  it  a 
little.  They  presented  us  with  a  glass  of  wine.  This  is  all 
we  ascertained  there."  (Quincy's  History  of  Harvard,  I, 
472,  admits  this  description  as  not  far  from  the  truth.) 
Speaking  of  the  soil  of  New  England  these  harsh  censors 
say :  "  We  regard  the  poorest  in  New  York  superior  to  the 
best  there,"  and  adverting  to  the  English  character,  they 
express  their  opinion  in  words  too  severe  for  us  to  re- 
produce. 

They  were  about  to  depart  when  they  discovered  the 
Jesuit  trail.  "  We  went  to  Mr.  Taylor  to  ascertain  if  he 
had  some  wine  and  also  some  brandy.  We  found  him  a 
little  cool.  He  said  we  must  excuse  him  if  he  did  not  admit 

223 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

us  into  his  house  in  consequence  of  the  suspicion  people  had 
of  us.  They  said  we  were  certainly  Jesuits  who  had  come 
for  no  good ;  for  we  were  quiet  and  modest  and  entirely  dif- 
ferent sort  of  people  from  themselves;  that  we  could  speak 
several  languages;  were  cunning  and  subtle;  and  had  come 
for  no  traffic,  but  to  see  the  country.  The  suspicion  seemed 
to  have  gained  strength  because  some  time  ago  a  Jesuit 
arrived  here  from  Canada  who  came  in  disguise.  There 
was  much  murmuring  about  it,  and  they  wished  to  punish 
the  Jesuit,  not  because  he  was  a  Jesuit,  but  because  he  was 
in  disguise,  which  is  generally  bad,  especially  for  such  as 
are  the  pests  of  the  world."  This  was  Pierron.  The  en- 
voys then  departed  after  carefully  noting  that  "  they  paid 
Mr.  Taylor  for  the  brandy." 

What  became  of  Pierron?  Father  Dablon  tells  us  that 
"  he  returned  to  the  Iroquois,"  very  likely  going  up  through 
the  Susquehanna  region  and  thus  reaching  one  of  the  mis- 
sions. Dablon's  letter,  as  Thwaites  points  out,  was  never 
meant  for  publication,  and  he  quotes  Martin,  who  says: 
"  These  apostolic  men  had  been  traduced  to  the  ministers 
of  Louis  XIV,  to  their  own  Provincial,  and  the  King's  Con- 
fessor. The  letter  of  Dablon  to  the  General  is  in  discharge 
of  his  duty  to  establish  the  truth,  and  he  informs  the  General 
that  "  Fathers  Gamier  and  Raffeix  are  among  the  Senecas, 
who  are  the  farthest  from  us  and  who  also  seem  as  remote 
from  the  faith ;  Father  Pierron  has  gone  to  join  them  to  take 
charge  of  a  large  village  for  which  we  have  hitherto  been 
unable  to  provide.  He  is  a  man  of  great  and  rare  virtue. 
I  must  here  mention,  in  confidence,  something  about  that 
Father  which  will  console  you  and  which  proves  his  great 
virtue.  Before  leaving  us  to  return  among  the  Iroquois — 
for  whom  he  has  a  great  natural  repugnance  which  he 
bravely  overcomes — he  came  to  me,  and  kneeling  in  my  room 
with  bare  head  and  clasped  hands,  desiring  me  to  remain 
covered  and  seated,  he  asked  me  for  permission  to  make  two 
vows;  the  first,  ever  to  comply  unquestioningly  with  the 

224 


JOHN    PIERRON. 

orders  of  his  superiors,  and  never  to  propose  anything  con- 
trary to  them ;  the  second,  to  bind  himself  never  to  return  to 
France,  or  to  secure  that  privilege  in  any  way.  I  would 
not  permit  the  former,  but  I  allowed  the  latter,  in  so  far  as 
consistent  with  obedience.  He  afterwards  thanked  me  for 
firmly  adhering  to  my  intention  of  sending  him  among  the 
Iroquois,  because  in  that  I  had  acted  against  his  own 
feelings." 

The  scene  is  a  trifle  dramatic,  but,  of  course,  it  was  with 
his  Superior  and  in  private.  It  helps  us,  however,  to  under- 
stand the  man  who  had  a  repugnance  for  the  Iroquois,  but 
who  nevertheless  made  himself  so  familiar  with  them  as  to 
teach  school  to  their  restless  children,  to  paint  pictures  for 
them  and  play  games  with  them,  and  who  had  succeeded  in 
winning  such  an  influence  over  them  as  to  be  able  to  inaug- 
urate among  them  an  enthusiastic  movement  for  abandoning 
the  superstitions  to  which  the  whole  race  had  given  itself 
up  for  centuries.  Possibly  Pierron  was  a  trifle  pessimistic. 

Apparently,  after  having  labored  among  the  Senecas  and 
Cayugas  in  1676  and  1677,  Pierron  was  relieved  from  his 
vow  with  regard  to  returning  to  France,  for  we  find  in  a 
note  by  Thwaites  in  the  Relations  of  1664-1667  that  he  re- 
turned to  France  in  1678.  At  that  time  the  missions  all 
through  New  York  were  breaking  up.  He  died  in  France, 
but  of  the  exact  time  and  place  we  have  no  record. 


is  225 


JOHN  DE  LAMBERVILLE. 

THE  greatest  figure  that  appears  in  the  final  crash  of  the 
missions  is  that  of  John  de  Lamberville,  elder  brother 
of  James.  The  latter  was  mostly  laboring  among  the  Mo- 
hawks and  is  especially  conspicuous  because  of  the  conver- 
sion of  Catherine  Tegakwitha.  John's  whole  missionary 
career,  on  the  contrary,  was  with  the  Onondagas. 

John  de  Lamberville  first  came  into  prominence  when 
Governor  Frontenac  was  about  to  establish  Fort  Cataroqui, 
the  present  Kingston,  in  Canada.  The  idea  of  putting  a 
fort  at  that  place  originated  in  the  brain  of  La  Salle,  who 
first  went  down  to  Onondaga  to  consult  the  missionary  about 
it.  In  the  Relations  we  find  no  details  of  what  happened  on 
that  occasion,  but  we  learn  that  Frontenac  arrived  at  Cata- 
roqui soon  after,  and  we  are  told  he  quite  captivated  the 
Indians.  He  not  only  assumed  all  the  lordliness  and  martial 
airs  which  he  knew  dazzled  the  imagination  of  the  savages, 
but  went  around  preaching  to  them.  De  Lamberville  wrote 
to  thank  him  for  his  evangelical  efforts,  and  we  find,  in  the 
Relations  of  1672-3,  a  pious  wish  expressed  by  the  grateful 
missionary  when  writing  to  his  Superior  at  Quebec :  "  May 
God  grant  that  the  powerful  exhortations  of  Monsieur  the 
Governor  to  the  assembled  Iroquois  to  embrace  the  Faith — 
supported  as  those  exhortations  were  by  numerous  presents 
— will  have  the  effect  that  we  hope  from  a  zeal  which  so 
thoroughly  unites  the  interests  of  the  King  of  Heaven  with 
those  of  our  monarch." 

Neither  Louis  XIV  nor  Frontenac  could  complain  of  the 
compliment.  It  is  a  pity  that  neither  of  them  enabled  poor 
Father  de  Lamberville  to  have  some  of  those  "  numerous 
presents  "  to  help  out  his  exhortations  to  the  Onondagas. 
He  often  moans  over  his  poverty  in  this  respect. 

226 


JOHN  DE  LAMBERVILLE. 

Times  were  very  hard  spiritually  in  that  difficult  mission 
of  St.  Jean  Baptiste  a  Onnontague.  De  Lamberville  gives 
the  reason:  "  If  legislation  and  souls  were  of  old  found  in- 
compatible in  the  most  flourishing  empire  in  the  world,  it 
must  in  the  same  way  be  very  difficult  to  establish  the  laws 
of  God  in  a  land  of  savages  where  the  demon  of  war,  of 
pride,  and  of  intemperance  has  full  sway.  Faith  holds  the 
understanding  captive  and  strives  to  subject  man  to  the  du- 
ties of  a  true  Christian,  but  the  Iroquois  cannot  endure  the 
slightest  thing  in  the  world  that  trammels  him.  The  nature 
of  the  savage  is  to  live  as  he  pleases  and  to  follow  the 
maxims  of  others  only  in  so  far  as  they  suit  him.  It  must 
be  understood  that  the  Iroquois  are  not  capable  of  reasoning 
as  do  the  Chinese  and  other  civilized  nations,  to  whom  we 
prove  the  truth  of  faith  and  the  existence  of  God.  The  Iro- 
quois is  not  guided  by  reasons.  The  reasons  for  credibility 
are  not  listened  to  here,  and  our  greatest  truths  are  called 
falsehoods.  As  a  rule  they  believe  only  what  they  see.  To 
convert  the  upper  Iroquois  it  would  be  necessary  to  subdue 
them  to  the  Faith  by  two  arms,  one  of  gold,  the  other  of 
iron.  I  mean  to  win  them  by  presents  and  to  keep  them  in 
subjection  by  fear  of  arms.  Missionaries  have  neither  the 
attraction  of  one  nor  the  strength  of  the  other.  Only  the 
fear  of  some  evil  or  the  hope  of  some  good  can  determine 
them  to  embrace  our  religion.  It  is  nevertheless  a  great 
honor  for  us  to  be  God's  agents  and  to  cause  Him  to  be 
adored  by  a  small  Church  in  a  country  where  tha  Devil  is  so 
completely  the  master  through  unbelief  and  profligacy. 
Hell,  however,  does  not  swallow  up  the  souls  of  all  those 
who  die  in  these  forests.  During  this  year  and  in  this  place 
I  count  over  thirty  who  now  pray  in  heaven  for  the  salvation 
of  their  country." 

Father  Millet  had  introduced  the  custom  of  public  pen- 
ance at  Onondaga,  and  de  Lamberville  continued  it,  but 
always  with  a  touch  of  exquisite  delicacy.  Thus  a  poor 
Huron  squaw  who  was  living  among  the  Iroquois  got  drunk. 

227 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

She  had  been  invited  to  a  brandy  feast  and  forgot  herself. 
She  was  broken-hearted  over  it  and  implored  the  priest  to 
admit  her  into  the  church  services  again,  promising  to  sub- 
mit to  any  penance.  De  Lamberville  held  her  off  for  some 
time,  until,  as  he  says,  "  Father  Millet  having  given  me  the 
pleasure  of  paying  me  a  visit,  she  applied  to  him,"  and  so 
it  was  arranged  that  "  after  praising  her  courage  I  recon- 
ciled her  and  then  admitted  her  to  a  modest  feast  which  I 
gave  to  all  the  Christians  to  make  the  festival  a  more 
solemn  one." 

Barring  this  single  lapse,  de  Lamberville  was  able  to  say 
that  "  all  the  Christians  are  completely  exempt  from  the  vice 
of  intemperance."  It  is  true  that  they  were  not  all  fervent 
to  the  same  degree.  "  I  am  not  surprised  at  it.  I  am 
much  more  astonished  to  see  that  in  the  midst  of  the  iniquity 
they  so  well  resist  the  torrent  of  bad  example."  Nor  was  it 
the  women  alone  who  were  good;  and  here  de  Lamberville 
takes  occasion  to  pronounce  a  eulogy  of  the  wonderful  old 
Garagontie,  who  told  the  priest  that  after  he  had  promised 
to  observe  the  commandments  of  God  he  could  not  remember 
having  ever  violated  any.  "  As  to  marriage,"  said  the  old 
Indian  with  a  touch  of  humor,  "  of  course  you  know  my 
wife's  ill-temper.  Had  I  not  been  a  Christian  I  would  have 
sent  her  away  long  ago,  as  the  Iroquois  do,  that  I  might  take 
another."  Garagontie  is  described  as  praying  with  "  saintly 
effrontery,"  not  only  among  the  savages  but  when  he  visited 
the  Dutch  at  "  New  Yorch."  The  Indians  held  him  in  the 
greatest  esteem.  "  No  ceremony  takes  place  without  Gara- 
gontie speaking.  They  say  "  he  knows  everything  and  is 
as  clever  as  a  demon."  He  is  the  sanest  and  the  best  coun- 
sellor they  have.  I  have  no  doubt  he  will  win  the  esteem  of 
Monsieur  the  Count  de  Frontenac,  the  King's  Lieutenant- 
General  in  Canada — to  whom  he  is  going  to  pay  his  respects 
at  the  entrance  of  Lake  Ontario,  and  congratulate  him  upon 
his  safe  arrival  in  the  country." 

De  Lamberville's  pictures  of  Onondaga  domestic  life  are 

228 


JOHN  DE  LAMBERVILLE. 

very  vivid  and  very  valuable.  In  the  Relations  we  have 
scenes  between  a  dissipated  husband  and  a  patient  Christian 
wife;  and  next  to  it  the  reverse  of  the  medal :  a  fierce  harpy 
who  strives  to  prevent  the  conversion  of  her  husband;  an- 
other of  a  poor  old  widower  who  was  so  harried  by  the 
women  of  his  establishment  that  he  hanged  himself,  Chris- 
tian and  all  as  he  was ;  and  to  omit  the  rest,  that  of  a  poor  old 
cripple  of  a  woman  at  the  point  of  death  assaulted  by  a 
drunken  brute  who  beat  and  stabbed  her  and  left  her  for 
dead. 

It  was  with  these  drunkards  that  he  found  most  of  his 
trouble.  Thus  we  find  him  struggling  hand  to  hand  at  mid- 
night in  his  chapel  with  an  infuriated  savage  who  was  en- 
deavoring to  brain  Father  James  de  Lamberville.  James  had 
just  come  up  from  the  Mohawk  country.  Again,  he  is 
perched  on  a  high  rock  looking  down  at  a  bloody  fight  that 
was  going  on  beneath  him  for  the  possession  of  a  captive. 
Half  the  mob  was  wild  with  liquor  and  were  cutting  and 
slashing  each  other  while  murdering  the  unhappy  victim. 
At  last  the  wretch  was  carried  off  to  a  lodge,  where  they 
treated  him  with  such  atrocity  that  he  strove  to  kill  himself. 
A  little  later  de  Lamberville  entered  the  wigwam  to  see  a 
sick  person.  The  captive  had  meantime  been  led  out  and 
was  being  roasted  to  death  at  the  door  of  the  lodge.  The 
savages  then  cut  him  in  pieces  and  ate  him.  Such  were  the 
accompaniments  of  his  administrations  of  the  Sacraments. 
This  particular  case  had  an  added  horror.  Before  de  Lam- 
berville withdrew,  a  drunken  brute  entered  with  the  victim's 
thigh  and  began  to  skin  it  to  give  to  the  sick  squaw.  "  I 
don't  want  that;  I  want  his  liver,"  screamed  the  fury;  and 
the  liver  was  brought  in  after  being  torn  from  the  teeth  of 
another  monster,  who  was  devouring  it.  Delivering  this 
dainty  morsel  to  the  woman  the  savage  cavalier  upset  the 
cauldron  and  so  scalded  himself  that  he  was  crippled  for  six 
weeks  afterwards. 

Such  were  some  of  the  amenities  of  Onondaga  life.  Drink 

229 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

resulted  in  daily  murders,  and  people  were  going  around 
without  noses  and  ears  and  hands  and  fingers.  They  had 
been  cut  off  in  drunken  brawls.  The  eating  of  human 
flesh  prevailed  to  such  an  extent  that  600  victims,  according 
to  de  Lamberville,  were  devoured  in  a  single  expedition 
against  the  Illinois. 

And  yet  we  find  this  delicate  and  sensitive  man  never 
losing  his  patience  with  them.  He  writes  to  his  Superior: 
"  When  I  returned  after  my  absence,  the  notabilities  came  to 
salute  me  and  I  gave  them  presents,  exhorting  them  at  the 
same  time  to  maintain  peace  with  the  French,  to  become 
Christians,  not  to  annoy  me  with  their  drunkenness,  to  let 
me  baptize  the  dying  and  the  captives  who  were  going  to  be 
burned. 

"  I  showed  them  a  topographical  view  of  the  city  and  en- 
virons of  Paris,  with  the  portraits  of  the  five  principal 
personages  of  the  kingdom.  They  admired  the  skill  of 
Europeans  in  representing  persons  to  the  life.  One  of  them 
asked  me  whether  when  those  whose  portraits  I  showed 
them  died,  their  images  did  not  also  close  their  eyes.  They 
could  not  gaze  enough  at  the  picture  of  Paris  and  wonder  at 
its  vast  extent.  They  were  surprised  that  houses  should  be 
built  on  stone  bridges,  under  the  arches  of  which  passed 
boats  laden  with  all  sorts  of  merchandise.  They  could  not 
understand  how,  for  the  subsistence  of  so  large  a  town, 
everything  came  to  it  from  all  sides  by  land  and  water.  The 
Louvre,  the  Bronze  Horse  (a  statue)  ;  the  King's  palace, 
and  the  houses  of  the  great ;  the  general  hospitals ;  the  num- 
ber of  inhabitants ;  the  rare  animals  brought  from  every  part 
of  the  world  that  are  to  be  seen  there;  the  superb  churches 
where  three  or  four  thousand  people  pray  to  God ;  the  cem- 
eteries ;  the  colleges  where  five  or  six  hundred  persons  lodge ; 
— these  are  great  marvels  in  a  country  whose  people  know 
almost  nothing." 

De  Lamberville  became  a  successful  medical  practitioner 
among  his  Indians.  "  I  had  brought  a  great  supply  of 

230 


JOHN  DE  LAMBERVILLE. 

drugs,  which  the  Marechal  de  Bellefonds  had  the  kindness 
to  procure  for  us  from  Monsieur  Pellison,  and  we  also  in- 
creased our  stores  from  medicines  which  the  King  causes  to 
be  so  liberally  given  to  the  poor."  It  would  not  be  very 
reassuring  to  his  patients  had  they  heard  him  say :  "  We 
must  learn  how  to  use  these  drugs."  But  he  gave  an  "  or- 
vietan  "  here,  and  a  "  theriac  "  there,  whatever  they  may  be; 
and  his  forceps  did  wonders  in  proving  that  the  decayed 
teeth  which  he  vigorously  pulled  out  were  not  okis  or 
demons  that  had  settled  in  the  jaws  of  the  patients.  The 
holy  man  was  in  despair  when  his  pharmacopoeia  was  ex- 
hausted. 

His  rivals  were  the  medicine  men,  and  he  gives  us  an  ac- 
count of  their  methods  of  dealing  with  the  sick,  which  re- 
veals the  extent  of  their  intelligence  in  such  vital  matters. 
It  is  like  an  anticipation  of  Catlin's  account  of  a  similar 
scene  among  the  Mandans  in  the  Far  West,  two  centuries 
later. 

"  In  the  village,"  he  tells  us,  "  there  was  a  sick  girl  who 
was  also  half  crazy.  The  medicine  man  was  summoned  to 
cure  her.  He  approaches  and  takes  up  his  position  in  the 
centre  of  a  ring  of  bark.  Eight  or  nine  assistants  stand 
around  rattling  small  gourds  filled  with  peas.  After  a  while 
these  savage  Galens  entered  the  circle  and  burned  tobacco 
to  propitiate  the  evil  spirit,  some  in  honor  of  the  stag,  others 
in  honor  of  the  owl,  others  in  honor  of  the  bear,  each  imi- 
tating the  cry  of  the  animal  to  which  he  sacrificed.  Then 
the  chief  juggler  made  incisions  in  the  patient's  temples, 
whence  he  sucked  some  blood  and  spat  it  out,  mixed  with 
bear's  teeth,  human  hair,  stag's  bristles  and  the  like,  all  of 
which  he  had  concealed  in  his  mouth,  pretending  that  they 
were  the  spells  which  had  been  cast  on  the  sufferer.  Hearty 
thanks  were  given  to  these  worthy  physicians,  but  the  crazy 
girl  became  no  better  for  their  treatment."  Failure,  how- 
ever, did  not  disconcert  them.  It  was  to  their  advantage, 
and  they  announced  that  nine  feasts  were  necessary  to  cure 

231 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

her  completely,  for  "  the  design  of  these  disciples  of  Escu- 
lapius,"  says  de  Lamberville,  "  is  always  to  fare  well  and 
eat  their  fill." 

"  The  first  two  feasts  began  with  a  ceremony  which  is 
quite  usual  among  them.  Everyone  who  had  dreamed  of 
any  article  during  the  year  came  to  sing  for  two  nights  in 
the  girl's  cabin,  and  then  went  around  and  demanded  from 
anyone  they  met  the  article  dreamed  of ;  such  as  corn,  meat, 
mats,  pots,  &c.,  which  were  immediately  given.  One  woman 
was  impudent  enough  to  dream  of  my  cassock,  and  to  send 
someone  to  demand  it.  Of  course  I  turned  the  messenger 
out.  The  third  feast  was  a  masquerade  of  men  dressed  like 
bears ;  the  fourth  a  sham  fight,  in  which  they  threw  ashes  on 
each  other;  the  fifth  an  ordinary  dance;  the  sixth  one  in 
which  they  were  all  covered  with  feathers  from  head  to 
foot.  After  a  general  melee  they  rolled  over  on  the  ground, 
writhing  and  frenzied,  until  the  victorious  party  cured  the 
others,  who  pretended  to  be  bewitched,  by  counterfeited 
vomitings,  poultices  and  the  like.  The  seventh  dance  was 
a  pas  seul;  a  warrior  dressed  like  an  Indian  from  the  far 
south;  the  eighth  and  ninth  were  too  indecent  to  describe. 
All  this  was  to  cure  the  girl.  Of  course  she  died." 

De  Lamberville  had  spent  nearly  fourteen  years  among  his 
Onondagas  when  the  arrival  of  de  la  Barre  as  Governor  of 
Quebec  gave  him  the  first  warning  of  the  approaching  storm. 

The  new  official  had  seen  hard  military  service  in  various 
parts  of  the  world,  and  had  something  of  a  reputation  to 
support.  At  first  he  turned  his  thoughts  to  peace  in  the 
management  of  the  restless  Iroquois.  But  it  happened  that 
a  few  weeks  after  he  had  arrived,  fourteen  Frenchmen  on 
their  way  to  trade  with  the  Illinois  were  captured  and  robbed 
by  some  Senecas,  and  Fort  St.  Louis  was  attacked.  No  one 
but  a  newcomer  would  have  been  disturbed  by  such  trifles. 
It  was  all  in  the  usual  course  of  events  and  reparation  could 
have  been  easily  exacted.  But  de  la  Barre's  military  blood 
was  up,  and  after  the  example  of  de  Tracy,  twenty  years 

232 


JOHN  DE  LAMBERVILLE. 

before,  he  determined  on  an  invasion  of  the  Seneca  country. 
His  Memoir  says  that  Father  Bruyas  and  the  Superior  of 
the  Sulpitians  approved  of  the  war. 

De  Lamberville  heard  of  the  project  with  dismay,  and  he 
began  to  assail  the  Governor  with  letters.  They  may  be 
found  in  the  Relations;  and  O'Callaghan  has  reproduced 
them  in  his  Documentary  History  of  New  York.  They 
make  most  interesting  reading.  He  begs  de  la  Barre  not  to 
fight ;  informs  him  that  the  Iroquois  are  all  federated ;  he  is 
astonished  that  Charles  Le  Moyne  had  not  told  him  that 
war  cannot  be  made  against  the  Senecas  without  involving 
the  other  four  cantons;  he  quotes  them  as  saying  that  they 
are  sorry  he  is  going  to  war;  that  they  will  slip  off  from 
their  villages  and  retreat  into  Merilande  and  Virginia ;  that 
they  think  the  French  have  a  great  desire  to  be  stripped, 
roasted  and  eaten,  and  that  they  will  see  if  their  flesh  is  salty 
on  account  of  the  salt  they  make  use  of,  and  is  as  good  as 
that  of  other  enemies  whom  they  devour.  He  informs  the 
Governor  in  detail  of  everything  that  is  going  on  among  the 
savages,  and  how  efforts  are  being  made  to  tranquillize  them. 
On  August  17,  1684,  he  .writes  "  your  people  brought  my 
brother  back  with  the  greatest  possible  diligence,  having 
been  weather-bound  three  days  at  one  island.  They  arrived 
here  at  midnight  and  having  passed  the  rest  of  the  night 
in  conferring  together,  we  had  the  chiefs  and  warriors  as- 
semble  at  daylight,  after  having  obtained  information  from 
Big  Mouth  and  Garagontie,"  and  so  on.  The  correspond- 
e'nce  is  very  voluminous. 

His  efforts,  however,  were  unavailing,  and  de  la  Barre 
pronounced  for  war.  He  organized  a  little  army  in  great 
haste,  and  led  it  without  discipline  up  the  St.  Lawrence. 
The  progress  was  slow  and  painful.  On  the  21st  of  August, 
they  arrived  at  what  is  now  called  Famine  or  Hungry  Bay, 
on  the  north  shore  of  New  York,  where  Lake  Ontario  be- 
comes the  St.  Lawrence  River.  Already  out  of  provisions, 
because  of  a  long  delay  in  Montreal,  de  la  Barre  found  him- 

233 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

self  encamped  in  a  pestilential  swamp  with  a  great  number 
of  soldiers  down  with  sickness,  and  looking  more  like  a 
routed  army  than  one  going  to  conquer  a  foe.  Without 
striking  a  blow  the  Governor  appealed  to  de  Lamberville  for 
help,  humbly  entreating  him  to  make  peace  for  him  with  the 
Iroquois. 

Charles  Le  Moyne,  one  of  the  famous  family  of  that  name, 
who  exercised  great  influence  over  the  Iroquois,  hurried  to 
meet  the  missionary.  Thanks  to  de  Lamberville's  skilful 
handling  of  his  people,  Le  Moyne  found  them  ready  to  grant 
anything,  even  to  giving  up  their  war  with  the  Illinois,  who 
were  allies  of  the  French,  but  when  their  deputies  arrived  at 
Famine  Bay  and  saw  the  pitiable  condition  of  the  French, 
they  changed  their  tone  and  insisted  that  de  la  Barre  should 
immediately  withdraw,  and  not  dream  of  interfering  in  the 
quarrel  between  them  and  the  Illinois.  To  the  shame  and 
indignation  of  all  the  Governor  was  compelled  to  accept  all 
their  conditions,  and  in  the  early  part  of  September  he  set 
out,  crestfallen,  for  Quebec,  only  to  find  himself  recalled  in 
disgrace  to  France,  as  soon  as  his  desertion  of  the  Illinois 
became  known.  • 

In  1685  M.  de  Denonville  came  out  as  Governor,  with 
orders  to  crush  the  Iroquois.  He  kept  his  own  counsel; 
spoke  of  his  plans  to  no  one;  but  began  building  200  flat- 
boats  for  the  transportation  of  troops.  He  fortified  Mon- 
treal, provisioned  Cataroqui,  and  gathered  in  arms  and  am- 
munition from  all  quarters.  Durantaye  at  Mackinac,  Tonti 
at  Fort  St.  Louis,  among  the  Illinois,  Perot  at  Green  Bay, 
Du  Luth  and  the  others  were  ordered  to  meet  at  Niagara 
with  as  many  warriors  as  possible  at  the  beginning  of  July, 
1687. 

At  that  time  the  only  two  priests  in  New  York  were  the 
two  de  Lambervilles.  The  fact  is  revealed  by  a  very  pep- 
pery letter  form  Denonville  to  Dongan.  "  When  you  ar- 
rived in  your  present  government,  did  you  not  find,  Sir,"  he 
asks,  "  in  the  whole  of  the  five  Iroquois  villages  all  our  Mis- 

234 


JOHN  DE  LAMBERVILLE. 

sionaries,  almost  all  of  whom  the  heretic  merchants  have 
caused  to  be  expelled,  even  in  your  time,  which  is  not  honor- 
able to  your  Government?  It  is  only  three  years  since  the 
greater  number  has  been  forced  to  leave;  the  Fathers  de 
Lamberville  alone  bore  up  against  the  insults  and  ill  treat- 
ment which  they  received  on  account  of  the  promptings  of 
your  traders.  Is  it  not  true,  Sir,  that  you  eagerly  desired 
to  induce  them  to  abandon  their  mission,"  &c.  ? 

Strange  to  say,  no  one  seemed  to  suspect  the  meaning  of 
the  Governor's  warlike  preparations,  not  even  the  two  mis- 
sionaries, who  would  certainly  be  murdered  by  the  Iroquois 
if  hostilities  began.  Not  only  did  he  not  tell  them,  but  he 
made  use  of  them  in  a  manner  which  has  brought  irreparable 
disgrace  on  his  name.  He  summoned  de  Lamberville  to 
meet  him  at  Quebec,  and  commissioned  him  to  send  Iroquois 
deputies  to  Cataroqui  to  arrange  the  terms  of  a  treaty.  Den- 
onville  announces  this  in  a  letter  to  the  Minister  of  Marine, 
November  8,  1686.  In  this  official  communication  appear 
the  ominous  words :  "  This  poor  father  does  not  suspect 
our  design.  He  is  a  clever  man ;  but  if  I  recalled  him  from 
his  mission,  our  purpose  would  be  suspected  and  the  storm 
would  burst  on  us." 

Returning  to  Onondaga,  de  Lamberville  assembled  forty 
of  the  principal  chiefs  of  the  Iroquois  tribes.  He  assured 
them  that  the  Governor,  being  a  Christian  gentleman  and 
one  specially  chosen  by  the  King,  could  not  possibly  fail  to 
keep  his  word.  They  acquiesced  and  promised  to  be  at 
Cataroqui  in  midsummer. 

Meantime  Denonville  was  leaving  Montreal  with  two  hun- 
dred boats  and  as  many  Indian  canoes.  He  disembarked  at 
Cataroqui  on  the  last  day  of  June,  and  immediately  after- 
wards the  Iroquois  deputies  arrived  with  a  great  number  of 
presents.  Hardly  had  they  landed  when  they  were  made 
prisoners,  and  their  canoes,  peltries  and  arms  were  confis- 
cated. A  few  days  afterwards  the  prisoners  were  sent  to 

235 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

Aix  in  France,  as  galley-slaves,  where  many  of  them  died 
in  misery. 

While  all  this  was  going  on,  Father  de  Lamberville,  in 
complete  ignorance  of  the  trick,  was  visited  at  Onondaga  by 
a  number  of  mounted  men,  who  were  sent  by  Dongan,  the 
English  Governor  of  New  York,  to  tell  him  of  de  Denon- 
ville's  treachery.  They  had  found  it  out  some  way  or  other 
in  Montreal,  and  advised  the  priest  to  go  with  them  to  New 
York.  They  had  in  fact  brought  a  horse  with  them  for  his 
use.  If  he  did  not  consent,  they  assured  him  he  would  lose 
his  life. 

De  Lamberville  refused  to  believe  them ;  and  not  only  re- 
jected their  offer  with  indignation,  but  set  out  for  Cataroqui 
with  eight  of  the  most  distinguished  Iroquois  chiefs.  They 
had  gone  but  a  day's  journey  when  some  of  the  deputies  who 
had  escaped  from  Cataroqui  gave  them  the  awful  news  of 
the  treachery.  The  rage  of  the  Indians  knew  no  bounds. 
Was  not  de  Lamberville  the  chief  offender?  It  was  he  who 
had  led  them  thither.  But  it  speaks  voluumes  for  the  trust 
the  Indians  reposed  in  him  that,  instead  of  cleaving  his  head 
with  a  tomahawk,  they  said  to  him :  "  We  know  that  you 
did  not  do  this,  and  that  you  detest  the  crime  as  we  do. 
But  you  must  leave  the  country,  for  there  are  many  who  will 
not  regard  this  deed  in  the  way  that  we  do."  Guides  con- 
ducted him  to  the  frontier,  and  not  far  from  Cataroqui  he 
met  the  Governor.  What  passed  between  them  is  not 
known.  De  Lamberville  says  not  a  word  except  that  he 
induced  the  Governor  to  liberate  seven  or  eight  of  the  dep- 
uties. But  he  saw  the  complete  ruin  of  all  his  work  and 
hopes. 

The  fight  was  now  on.  The  army  set  out  on  July  12,  and 
invaded  the  Seneca  country.  Two  days'  march  brought 
them  within  a  league  of  the  chief  village.  Seven  hundred 
Tsonontouans  or  Senecas  attacked  them  fiercely,  and  the 
issue  was  for  a  time  in  doubt.  The  Western  savages  took 
to  flight,  but  the  Christian  Indians  stood  firm,  sometimes 

236 


JOHN  DE  LAMBERVILLE. 

fighting  in  their  own  fashion,  sometimes  in  the  open,  like 
Europeans.  The  Canadians  behaved  well,  but  the  French 
troops  disgraced  themselves.  Finally,  the  Governor  ar- 
rived with  reinforcements,  and,  though  beaten  back  at  first, 
he  rallied  his  men  and  then  swept  the  Jroquois  before  him, 
killing  forty-five  and  wounding  sixty.  It  is  said  that  the 
Ottawas,  who  had  fled,  returned  at  night  and  roasted  and  ate 
the  dead  bodies.  The  place  of  this  battle,  according  to  In- 
dian authority,  is  Boughton's  Hill,  in  the  town  of  Victor, 
Ontario  County.  The  Indians  still  call  it  Dyagodiyu  or  the 
Place  of  Battle.. 

On  July  24,  de  Denonville  withdrew  and  built  Fort 
Niagara,  giving  it  a  garrison  of  100  soldiers.  He  then  left 
for  Quebec,  which  he  reached  in  the  beginning  of  Septem- 
ber, and  wrote  to  the  Minister  of  Marine :  "I  have  re- 
established the  reputation  of  the  French,  which  was  dis- 
honored among  the  Indians,  and  thanks  be  to  God,  I  hope 
things  will  go  well  now."  It  shows  how  little  he  knew  of 
Indian  methods. 

The  very  next  year  at  the  instigation  of  the  English  the 
war  was  renewed.  As  an  Indian  told  de  Denonville,  "  you 
have  stirred  up  a  nest  of  hornets;  you  have  not  crushed 
them."  And  so  towards  the  end  of  August,  Cataroqui  itself 
was  attacked,  Chambly  was  besieged,  and  fires  lighted  up  the 
course  of  the  Richelieu,  and  even  reached  the  St.  Lawrence 
at  Vercheres  and  Contre  Coeur.  What  was  to  be  done? 
Nothing  but  to  ask  the  missionaries  to  help  to  make  peace 
with  the  Indians.  There  was  only  one  priest  who  could  be 
of  assistance  and  that  was  de  Lamberville.  Where  was  he  ? 

He  was  in  Fort  Cataroqui  acting  as  chaplain,  and  at  the 
same  time  had  to  provide  for  the  spiritual  needs  of  the  sol- 
diers at  Niagara,  so  that  his  "  parish  "  consisted  of  the  whole 
of  Lake  Ontario.  Going  from  one  post  to  the  other  meant 
each  time  facing  a  terrible  death. 

A  manuscript  of  Father  de  Lamberville  recently  dis- 
covered in  the  British  Museum  gives  us  a  description  of  one 

237 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

of  these  journeys  which  is  as  graphic  as  any  of  the  pages 
of  Fenimore  Cooper. 

"  The  day  before  our  departure  from  Cataroqui,"  he 
writes,  "  the  Iroquois,  who  were  hemming  us  in,  had  fired 
on  the  crew  when  yet  at  the  wharf,  and  wounded  a  sergeant, 
who  died  after  receiving  the  last  Sacraments.  Hardly  had 
we  doubled  the  point  than  an  Iroquois  fired  at  us.  It  was 
the  signal  for  the  Indians  to  leave  their  camp,  where  they 
had  been  for  several  days  enjoying  the  good  cheer  they  had 
taken  from  the  French  near  the  Rapids.  A  great  number 
had  been  invited  to  witness  the  attack  on  our  barque.  If 
they  took  it  they  would  starve  out  our  friends  at  Niagara, 
Several  canoes  pursued  us  and  made  for  a  little  island,  in- 
tending to  intercept  us,  for  on  account  of  the  shallows  we 
had  to  pass  very  close  to  it.  Other  Indians  ran  along  the 
shore  to  capture  us  in  case  we  landed.  Suddenly  the  wind 
dropped  and  we  were  becalmed.  The  savages  were  all 
around,  but  out  of  gunshot.  We  prayed,  and  I  exhorted  the 
men  to  fight  to  the  death  rather  than  be  taken  and  tortured. 
We  had  four  cannon  called  pierriers  for  discharging  stones, 
twelve  muskets,  with  two  arquebuses  and  six  grenades.  We 
determined  not  to  fire  all  at  once,  but  one  after  the  other; 
while  two  of  us  were  to  keep  loading.  Our  deck  had  no 
guards,  so  we  had  to  lie  down  while  fighting.  A  shower  of 
bullets  swept  over  us.  We  replied  by  a  volley  from  both 
sides  of  the  barque.  Some  of  the  Indian  fell  in  their  canoes 
and  were  carried  off,  but  their  place  was  taken  by  others. 
Four  canoes  bolder  than  the  rest  came  close  up  to  us,  but 
we  stopped  them  with  our  arquebuses  and  the  pierrier,  which 
had  thirty  stones  in  it.  That  discharge  riddled  the  canoes 
and  made  them  draw  off  to  the  island  to  attend  to  the 
wounded  and  repair  the  damage  to  their  boats.  They  came 
again  to  the  charge,  not  doubting  that  half  of  our  number 
had  fallen  under  their  furious  fusillade.  But  no  one  had 
yet  been  hit.  Just  then  they  remarked  that  there  was  no 
fire  from  the  stern  and  they  made  for  it,  but  a  cry,  '  they  are 

238 


JOHN  DE  LAMBERVILLE. 

boarding  us !'  from  one  of  the  soldiers  caused  a  rush  in  that 
direction  with  swords  and  grenades,  but  at  that  moment  a 
slight  wind  sprung  up  and  we  began  to  move.  I  was  en- 
gaged in  loading  the  muskets  and  sticking  out  two  arque- 
buses from  the  stern  to  scare  the  invaders.  The  puff  of 
wind  gave  us  courage,  and  we  drifted  slowly  past  the  island. 
Just  then  a  chief  started  out  with  five  or  six  canoes  to  head 
us  off.  He  stood  up  brandishing  his  weapons  and  then 
aimed  at  the  pilot  and  a  sailor  who  were  defending  the  bow, 
but  they  dodged  in  time  and  escaped  the  shot,  and  imme- 
diately aimed  at  him  and  tumbled  him  over  with  a  shot  in 
the  neck  and  another  in  the  body,  as  I  afterwards  learned. 
But  his  companions  would  not  withdraw,  when  one  of  our 
soldiers,  a  Breton,  who  had  been  in  the  German  wars,  rushed 
to  the  pierrier  and  at  the  risk  of  his  life,  for  he  had  to  stand 
up,  applied  the  match,  and  in  a  flash  a  shower  of  stone  balls 
sunk  the  canoe  to  the  bottom.  The  Breton  was  not  hurt, 
but  two  Indian  bullets  passed  through  his  hat.  It  was  the 
last  effort  of  the  savages.  The  wind  freshened,  and  the 
distance  widened  between  us,  and  they,  fearing  to  go  out  in 
the  open,  withdrew.  The  fight  had  lasted  three-quarters 
of  an  hour.  Three  hundred  bullet  holes  were  in  our  sails ; 
many  of  the  ropes  were  cut,  but  thanks  be  to  God,  none  of 
our  halliards  was  injured.  We  were  a  league  away  and 
were  again  becalmed,  but  the  Indians  did  not  follow  us. 
Next  morning  we  started  with  a  west  wind  and  a  cloudy 
sky.  Off  in  the  distance  we  saw  the  fires  of  the  Iroquois. 
We  kept  out  in  the  lake  for  a  storm  was  approaching.  The 
lake  was  soon  like  the  ocean  in  its  fury.  Great  waves  washed 
over  us,  but  we  did  not  dare  to  put  in,  for  fear  of  the  enemy. 
Often  we  thought  we  were  going  to  the  bottom.  Finally, 
after  fourteen  days  of  hard  weather,  we  saw  in  the  distance 
the  flag  of  Fort  Niagara.  Our  joy  may  be  imagined.  We 
could  see  the  Iroquois  skulking  around  as  we  landed.  We 
had  scarcely  unloaded  when  the  Commandant  thought  it 
would  be  advisable  to  return,  because  the  wind  was  favorable 

239 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

and  our  friends  at  Cataroqui  would  be  anxious.  On  the 
18th  of  October  we  reached  Cataroqui.  The  Indians  had 
been  hanging  about  the  fort  all  the  time,  behind  200  cords  of 
fire  wood  which  we  had  heaped  up.  They  were  waiting 
for  our  return,  but  lost  patience  and  decamped  the  day  be- 
fore we  arrived,  after  setting  fire  to  all  our  wood  and  killing 
a  soldier,  whose  death  revealed  their  ambuscade." 

It  was  here  that  de  Denonville's  messenger  found  de  Lam- 
berville  and  entreated  him  to  go  down  to  Onondaga  to  get 
them  to  call  off  the  dogs  of  war.  We  may  well  admire  the 
magnanimity  of  the  man  who  could  forget  the  outrages  of 
which  he  had  been  the  victim,  and  wonder  at  the  courage  that 
could  dare  to  go  down  among  the  indignant  savages  to  what 
might  be  a  bloody  death.  But  he  went.  To  the  complaints 
about  the  seizure  of  the  sachems  at  Cataroqui  he  replied  as 
best  he  could,  assuring  them  that  the  captives  were  in  Quebec 
and  would  be  soon  sent  back  to  them ;  being  quite  unaware 
of  their  having  been  sent  to  the  galleys  of  France.  The 
perfidious  de  Denonville  had  concealed  that  fact  from  him 
and  so  exposed  him  a  second  time  to  be  killed.  The  Onon- 
dagas  treated  him  with  the  greatest  consideration,  and  re- 
ceived from  him  two  wampum  belts,  one  to  engage  them  to 
treat  the  French  prisoners  well,  and  the  other  to  drop  the 
subject  of  the  Seneca  invasion.  These  two  wampum  belts 
will  figure  later  when  Dongan  enters  on  the  scene. 

Having  succeeded  in  securing  a  lull  in  hostilities,  de  Lam- 
berville  withdrew  to  his  old  work  at  the  forts,  and  we  find 
him  there  sick  of  the  scurvy.  We  are  not  sure  if  he  was 
already  afflicted  with  the  malady  when  he  made  this  journey 
to  Onondaga,  but  one  account  describes  his  being  carried 
down  in  a  litter.  At  all  events,  while  ministering  to  the 
sick  he  caught  the  disease,  and  was  soon  brought  to  death's 
door  by  it.  The  method  of  his  cure  may  give  modern  med- 
icine material  for  reflection.  We  find  it  described  in  a  letter 
which  de  Lamberville  wrote  from  Paris  later  on,  and  sent  to 
a  friend  in  China.  It  is  dated  1695. 

240 


JOHN  DE  LAMBERVILLE. 

After  telling  the  whole  sad  story  about  Frontenac,  de 
la  Barre,  and  de  Denonville,  as  well  as  his  own  relegation  to 
garrison  work,  he  says :  "  The  soldiers  of  the  Fort  were 
struck  down  with  scurvy,  and  while  I  was  attending  to  them 
I  caught  the  sickness  and  had  a  day  or  two  to  live.  Just 
then  an  officer,  a  friend  of  mine,  came  with  some  French 
and  Indians  to  investigate  the  condition  of  the  fort.  Be- 
ing told  by  the  surgeon  that  I  had  only  a  day  or  two  to  live 
unless  I  was  removed,  he  determined  to  carry  me  with  him 
to  Montreal.  I  begged  him  to  let  me  die  and  to  take  some 
one  else  in  my  stead.  He  absolutely  refused.  As  I  could 
do  no  more,  I  consented,  and  they  lifted  me  in  their  arms 
and  I  gave  a  last  absolution  to  the  dying  soldiers.  I  was 
bundled  up  and  placed  on  a  sled  drawn  by  two  dogs.  Going 
over  the  lake  the  ice  broke  and  we  fell  in.  Fortunately  the 
dogs  clung  to  the  cakes  of  ice,  but  while  we  were  being 
dragged  out,  the  rope  broke  and  I  came  near  being  drowned. 
At  last  they  got  me  out  and  we  hurried  on,  for  the  Iroquois 
were  after  us.  There  was  no  means  of  making  a  fire  to 
warm  me  until  nine  at  night.  When  the  dogs  gave  out,  the 
men  dragged  the  sled.  They  never  stopped,  for  the  pur- 
suers were  close  at  hand.  Whenever  we  could  we  had  to 
keep  on  the  ice  so  as  to  conceal  our  tracks.  We  went  so 
rapidly  that  in  seven  days  we  reached  Montreal.  They 
hurried  me  to  the  hospital,  putting  my  mattress  close  to  the 
fire,  and  for  four  hours  I  was  on  the  point  of  giving  up  the 
ghost.  Next  morning  the  gentlemen  of  St.  Sulpice  took 
me  to  their  house,  and  there  I  remained  for  two  years  and  a 
half  before  I  was  cured  of  the  strange  malady  of  the 
scurvy." 

From  which  fort  was  de  Lamberville  carried?  Niagara 
or  Cataroqui  ?  Charlevoix  seems  to  pronounce  for  Niagara, 
as  that  place  was  then  the  most  afflicted.  Rochemonteix, 
with  de  Lamberville's  own  letter  in  his  hand,  of  course  cor- 
rects him.  Cataroqui  was  the  place  from  which  he  was 
taken.  It  would  have  been  impossible  to  make  the  journey 
16  241 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

from  Niagara  to  Montreal  in  seven  days,  and  de  Lamber- 
ville  explicitly  says  it  was  to  Montreal  he  was  carried. 
When  he  had  this  adventure  he  was  about  sixty-four  years 
of  age. 

It  will  be  remembered  that  when  de  Lamberville  went  on 
his  perilous  mission  to  the  Onondagas  he  gave  them  two 
wampum  belts.  They  received  the  presents,  but  afterwards 
sent  them  down  to  Governor  Dongan,  who  in  turn  made 
haste  to  despatch  them  to  de  Denonville  to  inquire  what 
they  meant.  Both  those  cunning  old  politicians  knew  per- 
fectly well  what  this  transfer  of  the  sacred  wampum  im- 
plied. 

Dongan  had  been  instructed  by  the  King  to  keep  on 
friendly  terms  with  the  French.  Possibly  he  had  received 
secret  instructions  to  do  the  very  reverse.  At  all  events,  he 
is  credited  with  the  ambition  to  expel  the  French  from  New 
York,  to  reach  out  into  the  regions  of  the  Ohio,  to  establish 
a  line  of  posts  as  far  as  Hudson  Bay,  to  take  possession  of 
New  Foundland,  and  drive  the  French  out  of  Maine.  For 
that  purpose  he  kept  up  an  active  intrigue  with  the  Iroquois, 
urging  them  to  lay  down  the  hatchet,  but  not  to  bury  it, 
promising  them  assistance  in  case  they  got  embroiled  with 
the  French,  reminding  them  continually  of  the  treachery  of 
which  they  had  been  the  victims,  and,  Catholic  though  he 
was,  doing  all  in  his  power  to  expel  the  French  Jesuits  from 
the  territory  claimed  by  England,  promising  the  Indians, 
however,  to  send  English  Jesuits  in  their  stead;  a  promise 
which  was  possibly  never  meant  to  be  kept,  for  there  were 
no  English  Jesuits  who  had  ever  lived  with  the  Indians. 

On  the  receipt  of  the  wampum  belts  at  Quebec,  Father 
Vaillant  de  Gueslis  was  sent  down  to  Manhattan,  to  sound 
the  Governor  as  to  his  intentions.  After  considerable  fenc- 
ing, Dongan  bluntly  said  that  he  would  do  nothing  to  keep 
the  Indians  quiet  except  on  certain  conditions  which  the 
French  must  comply  with,  viz : 

1st,  to  send  back  the  Indians  who  had  been  condemned  to 

242 


JOHN  DE  LAMBERVILLE. 

the  galleys ;  2d,  to  compel  the  Iroquois  in  Canada  to  return 
to  their  country,  i.e.,  destroy  the  settlements  at  Caughna- 
waga  and  elsewhere;  3d,  to  abandon  Cataroqui  and  Niagara ; 
4th,  to  restore  the  booty  taken  from  the  Senecas. 

These  conditions  were  insisted  on  in  a  blunt  and  positive 
fashion,  and  while  so  expressing  himself  to  de  Gueslis  he 
repeated  it  to  the  Onondagas.  He  thus  simply  tore  up  de 
Lamberville's  wampum  belt,  which  had  stipulated  that  the 
affair  of  the  Senecas  should  be  forgotten ;  and  at  the  same 
time  he  revived  in  the  heart  of  the  Onondagas  all  the  fierce 
memories  of  de  Denonville's  treachery.  It  was  a  summons 
to  war. 

With  this  sad  news  de  Gueslis  returned  to  Canada,  but 
instead  of  going  to  Quebec  he  stopped  at  Montreal  to  con- 
sult with  de  Lamberville,  who  was  just  coming  back  from 
death's  door  after  his  almost  fatal  illness.  At  the  same  time 
de  Denonville  arrived,  and  implored  de  Lamberville  in  spite 
of  his  physical  condition  to  betake  himself  to  Onondaga. 
The  request  could  not,  however,  be  entertained  for  a  mo- 
ment, but  the  resourceful  de  Lamberville  bethought  him  of 
a  scheme.  He  talked  to  one  of  the  Indians,  who  had  come 
back  with  de  Gueslis,  and  so  wrought  upon  him  that  he  was 
induced  to  go  down  to  Onondaga  and  to  protest  or  plead 
against  the  threatened  war. 

Arriving  home  the  Onondaga  found  a  thousand  Indians 
assembled.  They  had  been  worked  into  a  fury  by  the 
English,  and  all  prospect  of  restraining  them  seemed  out  of 
the  question.  Nevertheless,  he  succeeded  in  preventing 
immediate  action,  and  they  concluded  to  send  an  embassy  to 
Montreal.  Fearing  another  trick,  however,  they  assembled 
near  the  city,  a  thousand  strong,  but  only  one  hundred  went 
to  the  council.  The  chief  speaker  was  Big  Mouth.  He 
was  rude  and  insolent,  though  he  boasted  that  he  had  been 
always  a  friend  of  the  French,  and  insisted  that  Dongan's 
conditions  should  be  accepted.  Though  almost  in  a  dying 
condition,  de  Lamberville  had  dragged  himself  to  the  meet- 

243 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

ing.  Everyone  heard  the  Indian's  ultimatum  with  despair. 
It  meant  the  ruin  of  the  colony.  But  de  Lamberville  skil- 
fully took  the  matter  in  hand  and  succeeded  in  modifying 
all  the  conditions  except  the  one  that  demanded  the  de- 
struction of  Niagara.  As  it  was  impossible  to  hold  it  on 
account  of  the  sickness  of  the  garrison,  no  one  felt  much 
regret.  Thus  de  Lamberville  got  the  better  of  Dongan  all 
along  the  line.  This  was  on  November  6,  1688,  and  de 
Denonville  wrote  to  Seignelay  in  France :  "  Only  God  kept 
this  country  from  ruin  this  year.  I  deserve  no  praise.  You 
will  be  told  by  M.  de  Callieres  how  necessary  Father  de 
Lamberville  is,  and  with  what  skill  he  averted  the  storm  that 
threatened  us,  and  how  clever  he  is  in  controlling  the  Indian, 
who  is  shrewder  than  you  imagine.  If  you  cannot  send  all 
these  Fathers  back  to  their  missions,  you  may  expect  great 
misfortunes  for  this  colony.  For  I  assure  you  that  it  is 
their  skill  that  has  kept  the  colony  alive  by  the  number  of 
friends  they  have  with  all  the  tribes,  and  by  their  ability  in 
governing  these  people,  who  are  savage  only  in  name." 

Hostilities  were  over  and  preparations  were  made  for  a 
definite  treaty,  when  down  from  Michigan  came  The  Rat, 
the  famous  Huron,  who  would  not  hear  of  peace  with  the 
Iroquois  on  any  terms.  He  attacked  a  number  of  the  dele- 
gates, killed  some  and  told  the  rest  he  was  commissioned  to 
do  so  by  the  Governor.  All  the  work  of  de  Lamberville 
was  ruined.  On  the  4th  of  August,  1689,  1,400  Iroquois 
landed  above  Montreal  at  La  Chine.  In  the  middle  of  the 
night,  they  fell  on  the  colony  and  massacred  men,  women, 
and  children.  Two  hundred  persons  were  killed  and  120 
taken  prisoners.  They  even  went  up  to  the  very  gates  of 
Montreal,  and  were  not  attacked ;  the  whites  were  paralyzed 
with  fear,  and  forever  after,  1689  was  called  the  year  of  the 
massacre. 

By  this  time  poor  Father  de  Lamberville  was  shattered  in 
health.  He  was  already  old,  and  out  of  pity  for  him  his 
Superiors  sent  him  to  France,  as  Procurator  of  the  Mission. 

244 


JOHN  DE  LAMBERVILLE. 

His  hold  upon  the  hearts  of  the  Indians  is  shown  by  the  fact 
that  his  fierce  old  Onondagas  later  on  sent  a  request  to  have 
him  come  back  to  America  and  live  among  them.  But  his 
work  was  over,  though  we  find  in  a  letter  to  a  friend  that  he 
would  have  gladly  returned  to  the  missions :  "  I  am  here," 
he  said,  "  as  Procurator  of  our  mission,  awaiting  the  happy 
moment  which  will  cause  me  to  recross  the  sea,  that  I  may 
end  in  our  dear  Canada  the  few  days  that  remain  to  me. 
Entreat  God,  I  beg  of  you,  to  show  me  this  mercy." 

The  "mercy  "  was  not  granted,  and  he  died  in  Paris,  Feb- 
ruary 10th,  1714,  at  the  age  of  eighty-one.  Like  many  of 
those  Canadian  missionaries  he  came  from  Rouen.  The 
French  Menology  says  that  "  he  had  the  spiritual  physiog- 
nomy of  Brebeuf."  For  the  French  there  was  no  one 
greater  than  Brebeuf. 


245 


PETER  MILLET. 

FATHER  PETER  MILLET,  though  a  priest,  was  for 
a  number  of  years  before  his  death  an  Oneida  chief, 
but  a  chief  in  chains,  though  the  chains  towards  the  end  were 
only  figurative.  He  received  the  honor  of  adoption  after 
having  narrowly  escaped  being  burned  at  the  stake.  His  ad- 
ventures read  like  a  romance. 

The  Indian  sachem  Garagontie  had  brought  him  down  to 
Onondaga  in  1668,  and  the  warmest  friendship  began  be- 
tween them.  In  fact,  one  of  the  greatest  sorrows  the  old 
Indian  felt  when  he  thought  he  was  dying  was  that  Tcharon- 
hiagnon,  "  the  one  who  looks  up  to  heaven,"  for  so  Millet 
was  called,  would  regard  him  as  a  hypocrite.  Two  medicine 
men  had  come  to  the  chief's  lodge  when  he  was  sick,  to 
practise  their  incantations  over  him.  Being  half  uncon- 
scious, he  was  unaware  of  what  had  occurred,  and  when 
Millet  entered,  the  chief's  first  care  was  to  protest  that  he 
had  not  left  the  faith.  Millet  consoled  him,  and  with  a  lit- 
tle medicine  set  him  on  his  feet  again  without  an  incan- 
tation. 

He  began  his  work  on  the  New  York  missions  first  at 
Onondaga  in  1668,  and  in  1672  he  was  sent  to  Oneida,  with 
which  place  he  was  forever  after  associated.  At  the  very 
outset  he  exercised  a  marvellous  influence  over  his  wild  peo- 
ple. He  could  have  made  them  all  nominal  Christians  if  he 
wished;  but  the  delinquencies,  especially  of  the  men,  were 
too  great,  and  only  a  limited  number  of  braves  were  ad- 
mitted to  baptism.  But  among  them  he  had  occasion  to  see 
what  wonders  divine  grace  could  accomplish  in  the  trans- 
formation of  brutalized  humanity.  One  warrior,  for  in- 
stance, was  so  marvellously  changed  that  he  packed  up  his 
few  traps,  and  with  his  family  made  a  hermitage  in  the 

246 


PETER    MILLET. 

woods,  where  the  Indians  used  to  gather  to  hear  him  explain 
the  truths  of  Christianity.  The  corruption  of  the  village 
was  too  much  for  him.  Seclusion  kept  him  out  of  tempta- 
tion and  he  won  many  to  the  faith. 

The  conversion  of  the  famous  chief  Garonhiae,  or  Hot 
Ashes,  was  perhaps  the  greatest  triumph  obtained  in  Oneida. 
Hot  Ashes  had  married  an  excellent  squaw,  with  whom  he 
always  lived  at  peace.  They  had  grown  up  from  childhood 
together  and  were  inseparable,  she  always  exercising  a  great 
control  over  her  hot-tempered  consort.  On  account  of  some 
quarrel  among  the  chiefs  about  moving  the  village,  he  left 
Oneida  in  a  temper,  and  just  then  the  news  came  that  his 
brother  was  killed ;  by  whom  nobody  knew ;  but  Hot  Ashes 
concluded  that  it  was  the  French,  and  so  he  directed  his 
steps  to  the  St.  Lawrence  to  get  somebody's  scalp.  On  his 
way  thither  he  found  that  he  was  mistaken.  But  while  in 
Montreal,  his  wife  who  was  already  captivated  by  what  she 
saw  in  the  church,  persuaded  him  to  remain  and  it  ended 
by  both  becoming  Christians  and  taking  up  their  abode  ai 
Caughnawaga;  Hot  Ashes  being  made  Fourth  Captain  of 
the  settlement. 

At  his  installation,  however,  he  flared  up  very  fiercely, 
because  of  an  unintentional  affront  and  for  a  moment  he  was 
a  subject  of  alarm.  They  had  lighted  a  fire  for  him,  offered 
him  the  calumet  to  smoke,  given  him  presents,  but  had  for- 
gotten the  mat,  and  Father  Fremin  had  a  good  deal  of 
trouble  in  cooling  down  the  fiery  neophyte.  The  council 
had  to  be  summoned  again  and  the  initiation  repeated. 

The  news  of  his  conversion  caused  great  excitement,  and 
many  of  the  Oneidas  came  all  the  way  to  Caughnawaga  to 
see  him,  some  of  them  becoming  Christians.  He  was  a 
strong  temperance  advocate,  for  he  had  witnessed  the  havoc 
caused  by  liquor  in  the  tribes,  and  he  devoted  himself  to 
an  unrelenting  war  against  drunkenness.  It  is  said  of  him 
that  on  one  occasion  he  came  across  a  number  of  his  tribe 
in  the  woods,  carousing  around  a  kettle  of  brandy,  and  all 

24:7 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

gloriously  drunk.  He  was  invited  to  join  them.  He  could 
not  reprove  them  to  their  face,  for  there  were  some  old  chiefs 
in  the  party.  So  he  resorted  to  a  trick.  He  pretended  to 
be  intoxicated  and  began  to  cut  capers  around  the  kettle, 
singing  and  shouting  and  staggering,  and  finally  upsetting 
the  pot.  Every  one  thought  it  was  an  accident  and  guf- 
fawed at  his  clumsiness,  and  then  rolled  over  and  went  to 
sleep. 

He  had  the  gift  of  eloquence  to  an  unusual  degree,  and 
went  about  everywhere  preaching;  helping  his  audience  to 
grasp  his  meaning  by  the  pictures  he  always  carried  with 
him.  He  had  many  imitators  in  that  method  of  picture- 
lectures,  and  conversions  multiplied.  What  was  more  sur- 
prising for  a  chief,  he  became  extremely  charitable  and 
would  work  for  the  poor  and  the  sick,  carrying  their  wood, 
gathering  their  grain,  &c.  More  than  anyone  else  he  de- 
serves the  credit  of  keeping  drunkenness  out  of  Caughna- 
waga,  and  transgressors  felt  his  heavy  hand  upon  them  im- 
mediately. One  intruder  he  imprisoned  in  a  pig  pen  and 
then  drove  into  the  woods.  So  anxious  was  he  about  the 
Sacraments  that  when  a  young  brave  belonging  to  his  lodge 
was  found  poisoned  in  the  woods,  he  actually  fell  sick,  and 
was  in  a  delirium  all  night  from  sheer  worry.  He  heard 
two  masses  every  day  and  never  passed  the  church  with- 
out entering  to  pray.  He  would  even  abandon  the  hunt 
and  travel  long  distances  to  be  present  at  Christmas  and 
Holy  Week. 

When  war  broke  out  he  did  not  hesitate  to  pronounce  for 
the  French,  but  his  first  thought,  when  he  started  on  the 
warpath,  was  to  provide  himself  with  a  relic  from  the  tomb 
of  Catherine  Tegakwitha.  He  had  cured  his  wife  once  by 
applying  a  coverlet  which  Catherine  had  used,  and  now 
claimed  for  himself  the  protection  of  the  holy  maid,  who 
owed  him  so  much,  for  it  was  he  who  at  the  risk  of  his  life 
had  freed  her  from  captivity. 

When  the  Oneidas  lost  their  principal  chief,  a  deputation 

248 


PETER    MILLET. 

was  sent  to  Caughnawaga  to  ask  Hot  Ashes  to  assume  the 
honor.  "  I  will,  if  you  become  Christians,"  he  said,  "  for 
I  do  not  want  to  be  chief  of  the  slaves  of  the  devil."  The 
reply  brought  on  him  a  great  deal  of  trouble.  His  people 
were  incensed  and  told  the  Governor  that  Hot  Ashes  had 
some  sinister  design  in  staying  at  Montreal,  but  the  warrior 
bore  it  all  bravely,  assuring  his  wife  he  would  be  vindicated. 
His  prophecy  came  true. 

When  he  went  to  join  de  la  Barre  at  Famine  Bay,  he  took 
his  pictures  along  with  him.  Everyone  in  his  cabin  had  to 
be  faithful  at  the  prayers  that  were  regularly  said  there,  and 
were  compelled  to  listen  to  his  instructions  and  study  his  re- 
ligious tableaux. 

He  returned  with  de  la  Barre,  but  went  out  again  with  de 
Denonville  against  the  Senecas.  He  bade  adieu  to  his  wife, 
telling  her  to  pray  for  him,  for  he  might  never  return.  His 
foreboding  came  true.  There  were  two  Caughnawaga  In- 
dians killed  in  that  campaign ;  Hot  Ashes  was  one  of  them. 
His  adventures  in  the  rescue  of  Tegakwitha  are  told  in  the 
life  of  James  de  Lamberville. 

Millet's  teaching  no  doubt  had  much  to  do  with  Hot 
Ashes'  ultimate  conversion,  for  it  may  be  supposed  that  the 
missionary's  methods  appealed  to  the  imperious  temper  of 
the  chief.  Acting  on  a  preconcerted  plan,  the  priests  had 
abandoned  the  exterior  meekness  which  was  so  conspicuous 
in  Jogues.  They  found  it  to  be  ineffectual  with  the  Indians, 
as  it  was  mistaken  for  cowardice,  and  so  airs  of  authority 
and  importance  were  assumed.  Millet  wore  the  mask  like 
the  rest,  and  while  having  a  very  humble  idea  of  himself, 
never  permitted  any  rudeness  or  disrespect.  He  was  par- 
ticularly domineering  with  the  medicine  men  and  inspired 
them  with  terror.  He  would  force  his  way  into  their  lodges, 
in  the  midst  of  their  incantations,  and  upbraid  them  with 
their  trickery.  Little  by  little  he  convinced  them  of  their 
wickedness  or  frightened  them  out  of  it.  Co-operating  with 
Father  Pierron,  further  down  the  valley,  he  succeeded  in 

249 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

making  them  abandon  the  worship  of  Agreskoue.  He  pre- 
sided at  all  the  Indian  councils,  and  opened  the  proceedings 
with  prayer.  His  chapel  was  always  thronged.  For  he 
had  made  it  as  gorgeous  as  he  could,  according  to  Indian 
ideas.  One  thing  that  especially  took  their  fancy  was  a 
wampum  belt  hanging  above  a  Bible  and  a  crucifix,  while 
underneath,  in  token  of  subjection  were  the  emblems  of  idol- 
atry. The  Indians  grasped  the  significance  of  the  arrange- 
ment. The  old  bell  of  the  former  Onondaga  mission  was 
likewise  a  powerful  helper  for  him,  for  the  savage  has  a 
great  awe  of  bells,  and  quickly  obeys  their  summons.  But 
he  had  other  means  of  calling  them.  For  while  the  bell  was 
ringing  out  its  peals,  the  children  were  kept  parading  up  and 
down  the  streets  of  the  village,  singing  in  alternate  refrains : 
"  There  is  but  one  God,  the  Master  of  Life,"  and  "  In 
Heaven  are  all  good  things;  in  hell  fire  and  endless  tor- 
ments." He  was  laboring  there  in  1686  when  de  Denonville 
made  his  foolish  attack  on  the  Senecas,  and  like  de  Lamber- 
ville  he  was  used  as  a  decoy.  We  have  the  evidence  of  it 
in  de  Denonville's  own  hand,  for  writing  to  Seignelay  in 
France,  he  says :  "  I  am  going  to  convoke  the  Iroquois  at 
Cataroqui ;  and  it  is  necessary  to  have  a  faithful  interpreter. 
As  the  Recollects,  who  are  chaplains  there,  do  not  know  the 
language,  I  have  determined  to  withdraw  them  and  to  put 
Millet  in  their  place,  but  I  have  promised  to  recall  the  friars 
after  the  conference."  He  did  not  even  propose  to  leave 
Millet  at  the  Fort  after  using  him  so  vilely.  It  did  not  mat- 
ter to  the  Governor  what  happened  after  his  own  purpose 
was  accomplished.  Happy  to  co-operate  with  what  he  fan- 
cied was  a  convention  for  a  treaty  of  peace,  Millet  repaired 
to  Cataroqui.  He  never  dreamed  that  he  was  to  be  asso- 
ciated with  the  infamous  betrayal  of  his  Indian  friends.  He 
saw  the  Iroquois  delegates  land  at  Cataroqui,  saw  them 
manacled  and  then  sent  away  to  the  galleys  in  France.  He 
knew  perfectly  well  that  they  could  have  but  one  thought 
with  regard  to  himself;  namely,  that  he  was  co-operating 

250 


PETER    MILLET. 

with  de  Denonville  in  this  shameful  act.  His  influence  with 
them  was  gone  forever,  and  his  missionary  career  at  an  end. 
Of  course,  he,  like  de  Lamberville,  refused  to  accompany  the 
French  forces  in  their  invasion  of  the  Iroquois  territory. 
That  post  was  assigned  to  Father  Enjalran,  who  was  in  the 
forefront  of  the  fight,  looking  after  the  wounded  and  nar- 
rowly escaping  death  himself.  He  was  struck  in  the  hip  by 
an  Indian  musket-ball. 

A  temporary  lull  in  hostilities  followed  upon  this  victory 
of  the  French ;  but  it  is  not  likely  that  Millet  dared  to  return 
to  Oneida,  as  Rochemonteix  seems  to  assume.  It  would 
have  been  inviting  death  to  no  purpose.  He  remained  as 
chaplain  at  Cataroqui,  and  when  de  Lamberville  was  stricken 
down  with  scurvy  he  took  his  friend's  place  at  Niagara,  ar- 
riving there  on  Good  Friday,  1688.  It  was  probably  on 
that  day  that  he  erected  the  wooden  cross  in  the  centre  of 
the  enclosure,  with  the  inscription :  "  Christ  reigneth,  con- 
quereth,  commandeth."  It  was  in  Latin;  but  in  an  abbre- 
viated form,  and  the  letters  were  rude  and  unshapely.  We 
have  a  facsimile  of  it  in  Shea's  "  Colonial  Days."  It  reads : 
"  REGN.  VINC.  9  IMP-  CHRS."  But  it  did  not  re- 
main there  long,  nor  did  the  fort.  On  September  15,  the 
palisades  were  demolished,  the  French  withdrew,  and  for  a 
time  at  least,  Fort  Niagara  passed  out  of  history.  The  gar- 
rison made  its  way  to  Fort  Cataroqui. 

The  following  year  marks  the  beginning  of  Millet's  cap- 
tivity among  his  former  friends.  In  June,  1689,  while  he 
was  engaged  in  his  work  as  chaplain  of  the  fort,  some  Iro- 
quois Indians  presented  themselves  at  the  gate  with  a  flag 
of  truce;  informing  the  garrison  that  peace  had  been  con- 
cluded, and  asking  that  the  physician  of  the  post  should  be 
permitted  to  come  out  to  assist  some  sick  and  wounded  Iro- 
quois, and  as  there  were  a  number  of  Christians  among  them, 
that  Father  Millet  should  accompany  him.  It  was  a  sus- 
picious invitation,  but  was  accepted ;  and  the  priest  and  doc- 
tor walked  out  of  the  palisade.  A  long  letter  written  by 

251 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

Millet  at  Oneida  three  years  afterwards  tells  how  he  fared 
in  his  subsequent  five  years  of  captivity.  A  few  extracts 
will  suffice. 

"  Two  of  the  strongest  Indians  sprung  on  me,  seized  me 
by  the  arms,  and,  taking  everything  I  had,  began  to  abuse 
me  for  being  opposed  to  the  Iroquois;  but  an  Oneida  chief 
told  me  not  to  fear,  that  the  Christians  of  Oneida  would 
preserve  my  life.  I  needed  this  comfort,  because  the  Eng- 
lish, it  was  said,  had  already  condemned  and  burned  me  in 
effigy.  When  the  chief  turned  away,  the  others  stripped  me, 
leaving  me  only  my  trousers.  They  then  began  to  maltreat 
me ;  some  wishing  to  burn  me  on  the  spot ;  but  I  was  rescued 
from  them,  and  then  others  threw  me  into  the  water  and 
others  again  trampled  me  under  foot.  Later  on,  while  they 
were  making  an  attack  on  the  fort,  I  was  tied  to  a  sapling  on 
the  banks  of  the  lake,  and  afterwards  sent  with  three  or  four 
hundred  Iroquois  to  an  island  two  leagues  below,  to  await 
the  army  of  1,400  which  was  expected.  There  I  was  re- 
ceived with  great  shouts  and  forced  to  sing  certain  words 
which  they  made  me  repeat.  To  thank  me  for  the  song  one 
of  them  struck  me  with  his  fist  near  the  eye,  leaving  the 
mark  of  his  nails  and  inflicting  such  pain  that  I  thought  it 
was  the  stroke  of  a  knife.  I  was  then  brought  to  the  cabins 
of  the  Oneidas.  They  protected  me  from  further  insult, 
and  I  sang  for  them,  but  it  was  the  Veni  Sancte  Spiritus. 
From  there  the  army  straggled  to  Otonniata,  where  a  coun- 
cil of  war  was  held,  and  I  was  near  passing  the  line,  i.e.,  I 
was  on  the  point  of  being  immolated  as  a  public  victim :  for 
at  the  suggestion  of  the  English  we  had  been  surrendered  to 
the  Four  Nations,  and  there  was  no  one  to  throw  into  the 
War  Kettle.  The  lot  was  to  be  cast  and  would  probably 
have  fallen  on  me;  both  because  putting  me  to  death  would 
have  been  a  signal  of  irreconcilable  war,  and  because  I  was 
held  up  as  a  great  Iroquois  and  an  English  State  criminal. 
.  .  .  It  was  decided  otherwise.  I  was  despatched  to  the 
camp  of  the  Oneidas  and  two  chiefs  and  about  thirty  men 

252 


PETER    MILLET. 

were  commissioned  to  conduct  me  thither,  while  the  army 
pursued  its  march  to  Montreal. 

"  On  my  journey  I  was  pretty  well  treated.  They  gave  me 
a  share  of  what  they  had  to  eat,  but  they  never  forgot  to  put 
a  rope  around  my  neck,  feet,  hands,  and  body,  lest,  as  they 
said,  God  should  inspire  me  to  escape." 

He  finally  arrived  at  Oneida,  where  some  braves  wanted 
to  burn  him  at  the  stake;  for  it  was  their  custom  to  give  that 
kind  of  a  welcome  to  the  first  prisoner  of  war  who  was 
brought  into  camp.  "  It  was  St.  Lawrence's  eve,"  he  writes, 
"  when  I  was  brought  to  the  council  which  was  to  decide  my 
fate,  and  all  morning  I  had  been  preparing  to  die  like  the 
holy  martyr.  The  sachems  assembled,  and  one  of  them, 
saluting  me  in  Indian  fashion,  tried  three  times  to  strike  me 
in  the  face,  but  as  my  arms  were  free  I  thrice  parried  the 
blow  without  reflection."  Most  of  us  will  pardon  the  good 
Father's  want  of  "  reflection." 

At  that  moment  there  entered  a  chief,  the  same  one  who 
had  assured  him  down  at  Cataroqui  that  the  Oneidas  would 
protect  him.  He  was  the  husband  of  the  woman  who  had 
befriended  Millet  as  soon  as  he  arrived  at  Oneida,  giving 
him  clothing  and  affording  him  the  hospitality  of  her  lodge. 
God  rewarded  her  for  her  charity,  for  a  few  years  after- 
wards when  she  went  to  Quebec  in  the  interests  of  Father 
Millet,  she  remained  there  and  became  a  devout  Christian. 
She  had  evidently  been  advising  her  husband.  "  The  Father 
is  not  a  prisoner,"  he  said  to  the  assembly,  "  but  a  missionary 
returning  to  his  flock  and  he  must  not  be  harmed."  It  was 
a  clever  ruse,  but  another  orator  known  for  his  English  pro- 
clivities denounced  him  as  a  friend  of  the  Governor  of 
Quebec.  "  I  was  afraid,"  writes  Millet,  "  that  he  was  going 
to  advocate  burning  me.  He  was  fierce  at  first,  but  after  a 
while  he  cooled  down,  and  I  was  taken  to  the  Council  Lodge, 
and  on  my  way  thither  had  to  stand  many  an  assault  from 
drunken  Indians,  who  followed  me,  and  who  when  shut  out 
of  the  cabin  began  to  stone  it  and  threaten  to  set  it  on  fire. 

253 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

The  final  decision  was  not  to  be  given  till  the  return  of  the 
war  party.  Meantime  he  had  the  freedom  of  the  village, 
and  although  he  went  from  house  to  house  to  see  the  sick,  so 
certain  seemed  his  fate,  that  the  people  pointed  at  him  on 
his  rounds  as  "  the  dying  man  who  walks."  Nor  did  the 
warriors  who  came  up  from  Orange,  "  a  little  English 
town,"  bring  any  favorable  tidings.  Nevertheless,  the  peo- 
ple would  crowd  around  him  to  pray,  would  bring  their  sick 
to  him,  and  sometimes  carry  his  mat  out  in  the  field  where 
they  could  listen  to  his  instructions  undisturbed. 

Finally,  the  warriors  returned  from  Montreal,  and  the 
prospects  were  gloomy  for  Millet.  One  of  their  chiefs  had 
been  killed,  and  four  prisoners  had  to  be  burned  to  atone 
for  it.  He  with  three  others  sat  before  the  council.  His 
face  was  painted  red  and  black  as  a  victim,  and  he  heard  him- 
self denounced  as  a  traitor  who  had  caused  the  Onondagas 
to  be  seized  at  Cataroqui.  While  the  trial  was  going  on, 
Millet  was  clever  enough  to  hear  the  confessions  of  the 
three  unfortunates  who  were  seated  next  to  him.  It  was  an 
uncomfortable  confessional  at  best  and  must  have  been  some- 
what public  for  the  penitents.  Whether  they  were  killed 
or  not  we  do  not  know,  but  Millet  escaped.  He  was  given 
to  his  Oneida  friends,  initiated  in  their  tribe,  saluted  with 
grandiose  speeches,  given  an  Indian  name,  and  he  then 
settled  down  to  missionary  work,  for  how  long  he  did  not 
know.  He  built  a  little  chapel  which  he  appropriately  dedi- 
cated to  "  Christo  Morituro  "  ("  Christ  about  to  die  ")  ;  and 
though  he  could  not  say  Mass,  for  of  course  he  had  nothing 
with  him,  continued  during  the  next  five  years  to  preach, 
to  teach  and  to  pray. 

As  we  turn  over  the  "  Documents  pertaining  to  the  Co- 
lonial History  of  New  York  "  we  find  Millet's  name  con- 
stantly recurring.  It  is  "  Millet,"  "  Millet "  all  the  time. 
The  Earl  of  Bellomont  was  particularly  worried  about  him, 
and  solemnly  recounts  a  story  to  the  Lords  of  Trade  which 
he  had  heard  and  apparently  believed,  about  an  old  squaw 

254 


PETER    MILLET. 

whom  the  Jesuits  (meaning  Millet  especially)  had  taught 
to  poison  people  as  well  as  to  pray.  "  The  Jesuits  had  fur- 
nished her,"  he  says,  "  with  so  subtle  a  poison  and  taught 
her  a  legerdemain  in  using  it;  so  that  whenever  she  had  a 
mind  to  poison,  she  would  bring  them  a  cup  of  water  and 
let  drop  the  poison  under  her  nail  (which  are  always  very 
long,  for  the  Indians  never  pare  'em)  into  the  cup.  This 
woman  was  so  true  a  disciple  to  the  Jesuits  that  she  has  poi- 
soned a  multitude  of  the  Five  Nations  that  were  very 
friendly  to  us."  He  then  goes  on  to  narrate  that  "  she  had 
poisoned  a  Protestant  Mohawk,  and  his  relatives  beat  out 
her  brains  with  a  club."  So  much  for  Bellomont's  cred- 
ulity. 

Nevertheless  Millet  seems  to  have  been  particularly  trou- 
bled about  this  accusation  of  poisoning,  and  writes  to  the  old 
Dominie  Dellius  to  complain  of  it.  There  are  several  com- 
munications between  the  priest  and  the  parson  which  we 
find  in  the  Colonial  Documents,  and  they  show  that  Dellius, 
who  was  at  first  very  friendly,  had  lost  his  esteem  when  he 
was  sent  as  a  delegate  with  Peter  Schuyler  to  Canada.  The 
parson  finally  fell  into  disgrace  with  Bellomont,  who  as- 
cribes all  sorts  of  crimes  to  him,  ultimately  driving  him  out 
of  the  country,  and  even  complaining  to  the  Home  Govern- 
ment that  Dellius  had  acted  the  part  of  a  traitor  when  he  went 
to  Canada.  "  I  do  assure  your  Lordship  he  is  capable  of  any 
mischief  whatever."  Millet  trusted  him,  however,  and  we 
find  one  letter  in  which  the  poor  captive  says :  "  I  have  six 
Spanish  pistoles,  given  me  to  assist  the  poor,  the  orphans, 
and  the  other  unhappy  wretches  of  the  mission.  Be  pleased 
to  give  them  to  your  Lady  that  she  may  buy  some  shirts, 
great  and  small,  and  some  stockings  as  cheap  as  possible." 

To  this  letter  Dellius  replies  very  coldly,  but  says  at  the 
end :  "  As  for  the  six  Spanish  pistoles  which  you  have  sent 
me,  my  wife  has  bought  twenty-six  pairs  of  shirts  and 
twenty-six  pairs  of  stockings.  I  have  given  them  all  to  the 
messenger  that  brought  the  gold  and  to  that  lame  woman 

255 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

you  call  your  sister.  So,  Sir,  if  I  can  serve  you  in  anything 
else  you  need  but  command.  Your  humble  servant. 
DELLIUS." 

From  this  letter  we  get  a  sidelight  upon  Father  Millet's 
occupations  during  his  captivity,  and  at  the  same  time  come 
into  possession  of  the  price  list  for  merchandise  that  pre- 
vailed at  that  time  in  New  York.  The  money  he  received 
was  sent  by  Father  de  Lamberville,  and  also  by  the  Superior, 
Father  Dablon  or  Biblin,  as  the  Dutchmen  spelled  it.  Dab- 
Ion  wrote  to  Millet  and  also  to  Dellius,  assuring  the  latter 
that  whatever  disbursements  he  might  make  in  behalf  of  the 
prisoner  would  be  repaid.  There  is  also  a  communication 
from  Father  de  Lamberville  which  begins :  "  May  the  Lord 
have  pity  on  you  and  send  you  aid  from  on  high  that  you 
may  be  able  with  a  strong  heart  and  a  willing  mind  to  walk 
day  and  night  in  his  land,  for  you  became  a  prisoner  on  ac- 
count of  your  great  charity  towards  the  Indians,  and  for  the 
salvation  of  souls.  For  when  you  were  called  by  them  to 
pray  to  the  Lord  for  a  sick  squaw,  they  took  you  prisoner, 
and  this  is  the  cause  of  your  captivity. 

"  We  send  you  by  him  who  is  called  I'Outarde  paper  and 
a  powder,  which  when  mixed  with  water  will  make  ink.  Thus 
with  the  permission  of  the  Indians,  you  will  be  able  to  write 
to  us.  We  also  send  you  clothes  to  cover  you,  and  gold 
coin  for  the  purchase  of  a  woolen  or  any  other  cloak  or  gar- 
ment that  you  may  need.  We  have  no  news  except  that 
Dominie  Dellius,  the  minister  at  Albany,  an  honest  man  and 
well  disposed  to  us,  told  a  French  soldier,  a  prisoner  among 
the  Mohawks,  that  he  had  seen  the  letters  we  wrote  to  you, 
and  that  a  bad  construction  had  been  put  upon  them.  If 
you  have  an  opportunity  to  communicate  with  him  through 
the  Indians,  you  may  assure  him  that  we  never  entertained 
any  such  thoughts,  and  we  abhor  crimes  of  this  nature. 
Should  you  see  him  or  write  to  him  give  him  my  respects. 
Although  there  may  be  war  between  the  French  and  Eng- 
lish, nevertheless  we  always  entertain  the  same  friendly  dis- 

256 


PETER    MILLET. 

positions  towards  Dominie  Dellius."  This  is  in  violent  con- 
trast with  Bellomont's  opinion  of  the  parson. 

It  is  worth  noting  that  the  money  which  finally  reached 
the  captive  was  not  employed  in  procuring  "  woolen  or  other 
garments  for  himself,"  but  in  getting  Mrs.  Dellius  to  send 
him  shirts  and  stockings  for  the  Indians.  The  "  abominable 
crime  "  which  de  Lamberville  refers  to  is  of  course  "  the 
poisoning  about  which  the  Earl  of  Bellomont  and  Governor 
Fletcher  were  in  such  a  panic." 

It  is  very  humiliating  to  admit  that  the  English  would 
have  been  delighted  to  see  Millet  killed.  They  did  their 
best  to  get  possession  of  him.  We  have  a  letter  from  Gov- 
ernor Fletcher,  July  31,  1693,  addressed  to  the  Indians, 
which  says :  "  I  have  often  told  you  that  the  priest  Millet 
will  betray  all  your  counsels  so  long  as  he  lives  amongst  you, 
which  now  plainly  appears,  for  he  hath  refused  to  deliver 
the  packet  from  Canada  to  be  sent  unto  me  lest  the  poison  be 
discovered.  If  you  will  cause  the  old  priest  Millet  with  all 
his  papers  to  be  sent  unto  me,  then  our  peace  may  not  be 
broken  by  his  means,  but  flourish  while  the  sun  shines,"  &c. 
Possibly  they  thought  that  anything  was  fair  in  war. 

War  was  indeed  raging  fiercely,  and  from  Mackinac  to 
Acadia,  as  well  as  from  New  York  to  Quebec,  everything  was 
fire  and  blood.  The  existence  of  the  French  colony  was  hang- 
ing by  a  thread.  They  were  only  15,000  against  200,000 
English,  if  we  count  all  the  colonies,  and  the  Indians  were  so 
disgusted  by  the  defeats  inflicted  on  French  arms,  especially 
by  the  massacre  at  La  Chine,  that  the  Ottawas  of  the  West 
were  on  the  point  of  making  an  alliance  with  the  Iroquois, 
and  there  was  even  a  likelihood  that  the  old  allies  of  the 
French,  the  Hurons,  would  join  the  enemy. 

Just  then  Frontenac  returned  from  France  for  his  second 
term  of  Governorship.  He  had  with  him  an  Indian  chief 
named  Oureoutare,  one  of  the  victims  of  Cataroqui,  whom 
de  Denonville  had  sent  in  chains  to  France,  but  who  was 
pardoned,  and  by  dint  of  flatteries  and  honors  was  made  to 
17  257 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

forget  his  wrongs  and  even  won  over  to  the  French  cause. 
By  the  aid  of  Oureouhare  and  Father  Millet,  Frontenac 
hoped  to  propitiate  the  Iroquois  so  as  then  to  be  able  to  set 
himself  to  attacking  the  English;  his  ultimate  object  being 
to  capture  New  York.  In  propitiating  the  Iroquois,  Millet 
was  to  take  a  prominent  part. 

A  great  council  met  at  Onondaga.  "  There  were  eighty- 
four  Iroquois  chiefs,"  says  Ferland ;  "  and  the  English  and 
Dutch  were  represented.  Millet,  who  was  an  Oneida  chief, 
and  Oureouhare,  the  Onondaga,  both  exercised  an  immense 
influence  with  the  assembly,  but  not  sufficient  to  prevail 
against  the  Dutch  and  English,  who  succeeded  in  foiling 
Frontenac's  plans.  Millet  was  particularly  objectionable 
to  them.  "  Give  us  this  Jesuit,"  they  said  to  the  Iroquois, 
"  we  shall  take  him  to  Albany,  where  he  will  be  prevented 
from  doing  you  any  harm."  But  the  Iroquois  in  view  of 
a  possible  future  arrangement  with  Frontenac,  were  shrewd 
enough  to  refuse  the  offer. 

Seeing  that  peace  was  impossible,  Frontenac  addressed 
himself  to  the  other  part  of  his  plan,  that  of  attacking  the 
English  on  their  own  ground.  The  defensive  action  which 
he  had  so  far  adopted  gave  him  little  glory  and  was  rapidly 
killing  off  his  best  men.  On  that  account  he  organized  his 
triple  attack,  on  Schenectady,  Salmon  Falls,  or  Portsmouth, 
and  Casco  in  Maine.  He  had  been  instructed  by  Louis  XIV 
to  attack  and  capture  New  York  and  make  de  Callieres  its 
Governor;  the  King  promising  to  send  plenty  of  troops  for 
the  expedition.  But  the  troops  never  came;  his  Majesty 
having  abundance  of  trouble  on  his  hands  in  Europe,  and 
the  royal  injunction  about  New  York  was  countermanded. 
On  the  contrary,  orders  were  sent  to  make  peace  with  the 
Iroquois.  De  Callieres  persisted.  It  was  useless  to  attempt 
to  make  peace  with  the  Iroquois  as  long  as  the  English  were 
unchecked,  and  he  explained  how  easily  New  York  could  be 
taken  if  the  troops  were  forthcoming.  Thus  New  York 
might  be  a  French  possession  to-day  if  he  had  been  listened 

258 


PETER    MILLET. 

to,  but,  like  many  of  the  French  projects,  it  failed  because 
of  the  Home  Government's  unconcern  about  colonial  affairs. 

Just  at  that  time  Jacob  Leisler's  assumption  of  authority 
as  Governor  was  helping  the  defencelessness  of  the  place, 
and  the  fall  of  Schenectady  is  ascribed  to  the  action  of  his 
political  opponets.  Frontenac's  victory  there  was  easy. 
Meantime,  with  the  French  storming  the  gates  and  the 
bigotted  Leisler  raging  within  the  colony,  the  position  of  the 
few  Catholics  in  New  York  at  the  time  must  have  been 
alarming.  They  were  only  ten  in  number  and  fortunately 
we  have  their  names.  They  ought  to  be  preserved.  It  is 
a  roll  of  honor.  They  were  Major  Antony  Brockholes, 
Thomas  Howarding,  William  Douglas,  John  Cavelier,  Peter 
Cavelier,  John  Cooly,  John  Patte,  Christine  Lawrence,  John 
Fenny,  and  Philip  Cunningham.  Leisler  hated  the  Papists 
more  than  he  did  his  political  foes. 

In  the  triple  invasion  made  by  Frontenac,  Millet,  of 
course,  was  interested  on  patriotic  principles.  His  corre- 
spondence shows  he  was  informed  of  all  that  happened,  but 
he  was  mostly  concerned  about  the  detachment  that  started 
from  Montreal  against  Schenectady;  first,  because  it  was 
nearest  to  him,  and  then  because  in  it  were  the  converted  In- 
dians of  La  Prairie.  They  were  coming  down  into  their 
own  country,  and  were  led  by  the  famous  Kryn.  After 
twenty-two  days'  march  in  snowshoes  they  arrived  at  the 
palisades,  behind  which  were  eighty  houses.  The  inhab- 
itants were  all  killed  or  taken  prisoners,  and  the  expedition 
made  its  way  back  to  Montreal.  The  other  divisions  of  this 
army  of  invasion  met  with  more  or  less  success. 

The  movement,  on  the  whole,  was  a  failure,  inasmuch 
as  nothing  more  was  done  against  the  English,  but  it  had 
the  result  of  keeping  the  old  allies  of  the  French  in  their 
allegiance,  and  on  that  account  had  much  to  do  with  Millet's 
treatment  by  the  Indians  and  his  ultimate  release. 

While  he  was  at  Oneida,  he  had  long  talks  with  Peter 
Schuyler,  the  first  Mayor  of  Albany,  who  had  come  to  in- 

259 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

duce  him  to  leave  the  Indians.  Millet  calls  him  "  Kwiter," 
not  Peter,  the  Indians  not  being  able  to  pronounce  the 
labials.  The  Dutchman's  appeals  were  useless,  and  he  re- 
monstrated at  being  treated  in  the  same  way  as  old  Dominie 
Dellius,  who  had  been  up  on  the  same  errand;  but  the  in- 
vitations of  both  Dellius  and  Schuyler  were  too  much  open 
to  suspicion  to  be  accepted. 

After  Frontenac's  victory,  all  the  English  colonies  com- 
bined in  a  counter  attack.  Phipps  made  his  attempt  at 
bombarding  Quebec  with  his  five  pieces  of  cannon;  Gover- 
nor Winthrop  of  Connecticut  went  up  the  Richelieu,  intend- 
ing to  attack  Montreal  and  afterwards  Quebec,  but  had 
hardly  reached  Lake  George  when  small-pox  broke  out 
among  his  soldiers  and  he  had  to  turn  back;  and  finally  in 
the  month  of  August,  1691,  "  Kwiter  "  Schuyler  invested 
the  fort  of  La  Prairie,  where  the  Christian  Indians  were 
gathered.  After  a  two  hours'  fight,  in  which  the  troops 
from  Chambly  joined,  he  was  put  to  flight  with  the  loss  of 
his  flags  and  baggage.  Seventeen  of  his  Indians  were  killed 
and  sixty-five  Englishmen,  and  there  was  a  large  number  of 
wounded.  Had  Schuyler  been  pursued  his  corps  would 
have  been  annihilated. 

This  failure  to  exterminate  the  invaders  irritated  Fron- 
tenac,  and  he  blamed  it  on  the  Jesuits,  who,  he  said,  were 
bringing  up  their  converts  too  meekly.  There  is  consider- 
able controversy  on  the  subject,  but  it  is  comprehensible  that 
the  Iroquois  did  not  want  to  kill  their  friends;  which  may 
explain  how  so  many  English  were  slain  in  that  melee  and 
so  few  savages.  Charlevoix  thinks,  however,  that  it  was 
because  of  a  mistaken  order.  Millet  in  his  letter  of  that 
year  shows  that  he  was  acquainted  with  all  these  happenings, 
and  he  records  his  gratification  at  the  triumph  of  the  French. 

The  English  were  beaten  for  the  moment,  but  the  Iroquois 
were  still  on  the  warpath,  and  Frontenac,  in  spite  of  his 
seventy-six  years,  was  busy  pursuing  them.  "  He  seized  a 
tomahawk  and  danced  a  war  dance,  to  the  delight  of  the 

260 


PETER    MILLET. 

Indians,"  says  Guy  Carleton,  which  may  be  only  a  bit  of 
rhetoric  for  the  martial  alacrity  displayed  by  the  fine  old 
soldier,  though  he  was  Gascon  enough  to  cut  such  capers. 
Millet  kept  on  inducing  the  Oneidas  to  sue  for  peace.  He 
succeeded  at  last  in  getting  a  deputation  to  go  to  Quebec  in 
1693,  and  in  May  of  the  following  year  eight  envoys  from 
the  five  cantons  presented  themselves  and  asked  to  make  a 
treaty.  "  To  obtain  the  peace  that  you  ask,"  said  Fron- 
tenac,  "  it  must  be  with  the  western  Indians,  who  are  our 
allies,  as  well  as  with  me,  and  I  insist  that  Father  Millet  or 
someone  else  should  come  with  you  inside  of  twenty-four 
days  from  the  time  you  leave  Montreal,  and  that  you  bring 
back  all  the  prisoners  you  have  in  your  village."  In  the 
month  of  October  they  returned  with  Father  Millet.  Un- 
fortunately peace  was  not  made,  but  Millet  never  returned 
to  Oneida.  He  was  at  Montreal  in  1697  when  a  band  of 
Oneidas  came  to  live  there.  Of  course  they  asked  for  him 
as  their  spiritual  guide.  No  doubt  he  attended  to  them,  but 
we  find  him  afterwards  at  Lorette.  Charlevoix  knew  him 
at  Quebec,  where  he  spent  his  declining  years.  He  died 
there  on  the  last  day  of  the  year  in  1708  at  the  age  of  seventy- 
three.  He  was  born  at  Bourges  and  had  entered  the  So- 
ciety November  19,  1635,  at  the  age  of  twenty. 


261 


STEPHEN  DE  CARHEIL. 

WHO  has  ever  heard  of  Father  de  Carheil?  It  would 
not  be  rash  to  answer:  very  few.  Even  his  biog- 
rapher, Father  Orhand,  calls  him  "  the  unknown,"  but  he 
designates  him  at  the  same  time  as  "  the  admirable  un- 
known." De  Rochemonteix  does  not  hesitate  to  describe 
him  as  "  the  most  illustrious  missionary  in  the  five  Iroquois 
cantons."  When  one  thinks  of  Jogues,  Bressani,  Chau- 
monot,  Le  Moyne,  Menard  and  others  who  were  in  the  Mo- 
hawk Valley  before  him,  such  a  tribute  seems  like  an  exag- 
geration. Like  St.  James  in  Spain,  de  Carheil  was  illus- 
trious by  his  failure. 

He  was  a  Breton  nobleman,  and  possessed  in  a  marked 
degree  the  characteristics  of  his  race.  "  A  little  hard,"  says 
Dablon,  "  like  the  granite  of  his  own  Brittany ;  as  an  Apostle 
he  was  overzealous." 

Of  course  this  was  not  said  in  depreciation  of  his  worth, 
for  the  same  writer  informed  the  Provincial  that  "  Fr.  de 
Carheil  was  a  holy  man  whose  apostolic  zeal  finds  that  the 
savages  do  not  correspond  to  the  care  he  lavishes  on  them. 
But  possibly  he  expects  too  much  virtue  at  the  start.  At 
all  events,  if  he  does  not  sanctify  the  Indians,  they  are  sanc- 
tifying him."  "  We  expect  great  things  from  this  father," 
Le  Mercier  wrote  to  the  General  of  the  Society,  "  because  of 
the  rare  gifts  he  has  received  from  God ;  notably  a  remark- 
able grace  of  prayer,  an  unusual  contempt  of  everything 
that  does  not  lead  to  God,  and  an  incredible  zeal  in  bringing 
souls  to  Christ." 

The  Venerable  Mary  of  the  Incarnation,  who  was  a  great 
authority  in  those  days  and  who  still  retains  her  hold  in 
Canada,  grows  enthusiastic  in  one  of  her  many  letters  over 
"  this  young  man  of  thirty-five  or  thereabouts,  who  is  as 
fervent  as  possible,  and  already  a  great  adept  in  the  Iroquois 

262 


STEPHEN  DE  CARHEIL. 

dialects."  Finally  the  Archives  of  the  Society  record  "  his 
great  linguistic  powers,  his  theological  knowledge,  and  note 
also  his  unusual  tenacity  of  purpose  which  is  guided  by  pro- 
found experience." 

Michelet  and  Voltaire  used  to  say  that  the  Jesuits  set  their 
"  stupids  "  one  side  and  trained  them  to  be  missionaries  so 
that  the  savages  could  cook  and  eat  them."  That  certainly 
was  not  true  of  de  Carheil.  Had  he  remained  in  France  he 
would  have  rivalled  Vavasseur,  Commire,  Jouvency,  and 
La  Rue.  He  was  an  eminent  litterateur,  a  remarkable  phil- 
ologist, a  poet,  an  orator,  a  thinker  and  a  writer.  His  pow- 
ers as  a  linguist  made  him  master  Huron  and  Cayuga  with 
extraordinary  rapidity,  and  he  has  left  works  in  both  those 
languages  which  are  still  extant,  and  held  in  the  highest 
esteem.  The  seeker  will  find  them  in  Carayon's  Documents 
Inedits. 

His  style  as  a  writer  is  revealed  in  a  letter  published  by 
Rochemonteix.     It  is  dated  December  3,  1664,  and  is  ad- 
dressed to  the  Father  General.     It  is  worth  quoting,   es- 
pecially in  its  original  Latin : 
Reverende  Adm.  in  Xo  Pater,  P.  C. : 

Qui  dies  magno  Indiarum  apostolo,  S.  Fr.  Xaverio  sacer 
est,  is  me  admonet,  ut  R.  A.  Ptem  Vestram  quam  possum 
vehementissime  obtester  per  amorem  Dei  Domini  Jesu 
crucifixi,  ecclesiae,  Societatis,  animarum  inter  barbaros  per- 
euntium,  audebo  etiam  dicere  per  amorem  paternum  mei, 
ut  mittat  me  aliquando  ad  exteras  missiones,  praesertim  Ja- 
ponicam,  Sinicam,  Syriacam,  Canadensem;  sin  minus,  in 
eas  omnes,  in  quas  commodum  videbitur  ad  majorem  Dei 
gloriam,  sed  omnino  in  aliquam  mittat ;  idque  obsecro,  quam 
fieri  celerrime  poterit,  certe  ut  tardissime,  post  theologiam, 
cujus  tertium  jam  annum  ingredior.  Neque  enim  vocantem 
Deum  jam  ferre  amplius  possum  qui  me  dies  noctesque 
stimulat  ut  aliquando  proficiscar." 

The  General  must  have  smiled  at  this  very  imperatively 
submissive  letter  which  says  in  a  way  that  would  not  be 

263 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

stopped  that  "  the  day  sacred  to  St.  Francis  Xavier,  the 
great  apostle  of  the  Indies,  warns  me  to  most  vehemently 
entreat  Your  Paternity,  for  the  love  of  God,  of  Jesus  cruci- 
fied, of  the  Church,  of  the  Society,  of  the  souls  perishing  in 
savage  lands,  to  send  me  to  the  foreign  missions,  Japan, 
China,  Syria,  or  Canada  .  .  .  And  I  ask  that  it  be 
done  as  quickly  as  possible;  certainly,  at  the  latest  after  my 
theology,  the  third  year  of  which  I  now  begin.  I  cannot 
stand  any  longer  the  call  of  God  which  urges  me  day  and 
night  to  go." 

In  spite  of  all  this,  he  was  not  allowed  to  leave  France. 
He  was  an  orator  of  such  exceptional  power  that  much  was 
expected  of  him  in  the  pulpit,  and  it  was  only  after  two  years 
that,  yielding  to  what  Father  Oliva  called  "  his  incensissimus 
zelus,"  which  was  irresistible,  and  which  had  been  exerting 
itself  in  persistent  appeals  for  eight  years,  permission  was 
granted,  and  de  Carheil  set  off  post  haste  for  Canada  May 
12,  1666.  He  had  to  stay  two  years  in  Quebec,  and  it  was 
not  until  1668  that  he  entered  New  York. 

He  began  his  work  among  the  Indians  as  soon  as  the  op- 
portunity presented  itself.  He  appears  to  have  left  Quebec 
in  company  with  Garagontie,  who  was  assiduous  in  his  ef- 
forts to  obtain  missionaries,  and  who,  though  an  Onondaga 
himself,  persuaded  the  Cayugas  to  build  a  chapel.  Thither 
de  Carheil  betook  himself. 

Geographically  Cayuga  was  most  attractive,  but  unfor- 
tunately it  was  peopled  by  drunken  and  blood-thirsty 
savages  who  were  constantly  at  war  with  each  other  or 
with  the  French  and  English,  and  whose  evil  propensities 
were  quickened  by  the  liquor  which  was  poured  into  their 
country  by  the  Dutch  and  English.  De  Carheil  found  there 
all  the  opportunity  he  wanted  for  the  exercise  of  his  zeal 
and  the  practice  of  sublime  virtues.  He  wandered  from 
wigwam  to  wigwam,  only  to  be  driven  out  with  insults  and 
blows,  or  trudged  weary  and  hungry  after  his  wild  people 
on  their  hunting  or  predatory  excursions,  often  seeing  the 

264 


STEPHEN  DE  CARHEIL. 

tomahawk  or  knife  of  some  angry  savage  above  his  head. 
"  We  are  perpetual  victims  here,"  he  wrote,  "  and  in  hourly 
peril  of  being  massacred." 

These  perils  and  hardships,  however,  only  developed  a 
marvellous  patience  in  this  strong,  impetuous,  and  imper- 
ious man.  Indeed,  he  was  regarded  by  his  brethren  as  a 
model  of  patience  and  perseverence,  so  persistent  was  his 
pursuit  of  the  souls  of  those  wretched  people.  But  after 
five  years,  he  broke  down  and  became  a  shattered,  nervous 
wreck.  Unable  to  recover  his  strength  by  earthly  means, 
he  betook  himself  to  the  shrines  of  St.  Anne  de  Beaupre, 
and  of  Our  Lady  of  Foy,  both  of  which  were  even  in  those 
days  places  of  pious  pilgrimage.  He  was  thus  New  York's 
first  pilgrim  to  St.  Anne's.  His  prayers  were  answered  and 
he  returned  to  his  post  for  another  eight  years  of  almost 
hopeless  endeavor;  insisting  upon  resuming  his  work  amid 
the  disappointments  of  his  old  mission,  although  Father 
Raffeix,  who  had  temporarily  replaced  him,  would  have 
gladly  held  the  difficult  place.  De  Carheil  was  a  grateful 
soul,  for  we  are  told  that  medals  of  St.  Anne  are  still  dug  up 
at  Cayuga.  He  evidently  taught  that  devotion  to  his  neo- 
phytes. 

It  was  not  so  much  the  personal  privations  incident  to 
his  work  as  its  apparent  hopelessness  that  constituted  his 
trial.  The  Relations  tell  us  very  frankly  that  "  for  nine 
consecutive  years  after  de  Carheil  came  to  Cayuga,  350 
baptisms  were  all  that  his  heroism  could  put  to  his  credit. 
Of  these,  many  were  children  who  died  soon  after  their  re- 
generation, or  Huron  captives  who  had  felt  the  influence 
of  Christianity  elsewhere."  As  for  the  New  York  Iroquois, 
they  were,  at  that  time  at  least,  impossible  to  reach.  Hu- 
miliating as  the  confession  is,  it  furnishes  an  answer  to  the 
frequently  repeated  calumny  that  these  early  Jesuits  bap- 
tized their  Indians  indiscriminately.  The  very  reverse  is 
the  case,  and  only  after  years  of  trial  would  they  permit  an 
adult  savage  to  call  himself  a  Christian. 

265 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

In  spite  of  the  appalling  contrast  between  the  energy  ex- 
pended and  the  results  achieved,  he  and  his  associates  kept 
at  their  self-imposed  task,  fighting,  as  it  were,  in  the  dark. 
Still,  the  outlook  was  not  altogether  without  an  occasional 
gleam  of  hope.  There  were  brilliant  examples  of  Christian 
virtue,  chiefly  among  the  most  conspicuous  Indians.  Over 
such  men  de  Carheil  seems  to  have  exerted  an  exceptional 
power. 

Into  his  cabin  one  day  there  strode  a  Cayuga  chief.  He 
was  no  other  than  the  famous  Saonchiowonga,  who  eight 
years  before  had  appeared  at  the  stockade  of  Montreal  and 
demanded  that  the  missionaries  should  renew  their  at- 
tempt to  evangelize  the  tribes.  To  satisfy  him,  Le  Moyne 
had  gone  for  the  fifth  time  among  the  Iroquois.  What  did 
Saonchiowonga  mean  by  his  abrupt  entrance  into  the  mis- 
sionary's house?  He  was  going  to  live  there,  not  to  dis- 
possess its  owner,  but  to  observe  him  at  close  quarters  and 
to  see  if  his  practice  agreed  with  his  preaching.  After  con- 
siderable time  he  expressed  himself  satisfied  and  asked  for 
baptism.  Knowing  the  wily  Indian  nature,  de  Carheil  still 
hesitated,  but  at  last  consent  was  given.  Saonchiowonga, 
however,  was  no  ordinary  man,  and,  as  in  the  case  of  Gara- 
gontie,  his  baptism  had  to  be  made  an  event  in  the  history 
of  the  tribe.  He  was  sent  to  Quebec.  Bishop  Laval,  who 
had  just  taken  possession  of  his  See,  invested  the  ceremonies 
with  unusual  magnificence;  the  Intendant  Talon  stood  god- 
father to  the  neophyte ;  the  crowds  of  Indians  who  had  come 
to  witness  the  spectacle  were  treated  with  the  greatest  con- 
sideration, and  a  bounteous  feast  was  spread  for  them  at  the 
expense  of  the  city.  Saonchiowonga  returned  to  Cayuga, 
and  by  his  blameless  life  and  the  instructions  he  gave  his 
people  kept  up  the  drooping  spirits  of  the  missionaries. 

Father  de  Carheil's  difficulties  in  Cayuga  increased  as 
time  went  on.  Drunkenness  prevailed  there,  as  at  Onon- 
daga,  and  the  scenes  enacted  in  the  villages  were  indescrib- 
able. Men  would  chew  off  each  other's  noses  and  ears 

266 


STEPHEN  DE  CARHEIL. 

and  eat  them.  Murders  were  the  common  order  of  the 
day.  No  one's  life  was  safe  for  an  instant.  The  Indian 
who  owned  the  lodge  where  the  priest  lived  was  one  of  the 
worst  of  the  crew,  and  over  and  over  again  the  tomahawk 
had  to  be  wrested  from  his  hands  in  his  efforts  to  murder 
his  tenant.  Seeing  it  was  no  use  to  remain  any  longer,  de 
Carheil  gave  up  and  travelled  over  to  Onondaga  to  seek 
shelter  with  de  Lamberville,  who  had  heard  that  he  was  dead, 
and  was  amazed  to  find  him  dragging  himself  along  the 
trail,  dispirited,  sick,  and  weary. 

The  news  of  his  ill  treatment  spread  rapidly,  and  the 
Onondaga  sachems  came  to  console  him.  "  They  presented 
him  with  a  poultice  to  apply  it  to  the  part  he  felt  most  sore." 
The  poultice  was  a  wampum  belt.  "  Nothing  more  humane," 
writes  de  Lamberville,  "  can  be  imagined  than  what  they 
said  to  him."  The  orator  made  a  speech  which  was  very 
choice  in  its  language,  but  as  we  read  it  now,  not  a  little 
amusing,  though  poor  de  Carheil  scarcely  found  it  so.  "  I 
knew  not  why,". said  the  speaker,  "  during  the  past  few  days 
the  sky  was  clouded  to  an  extraordinary  degree,  and  the 
star  that  gladdens  the  whole  earth  hid  itself  from  our  eyes. 
It  refused  to  shine  upon  the  insolence  of  the  drunkards  who 
have  insulted  you.  We  grew  pale  at  the  description  of  what 
had  happened  to  you.  We  have  inveighed  against  the  sell- 
ers of  brandy,  who  are  the  cause  of  so  many  evils,  and  we 
rejoice  that  you  have  found  an  asylum  here.  We  thought 
you  were  dead;  our  spirits  languished  in  sorrow  and  re- 
sentment, they  had  sunk  to  our  feet  through  the  weight  of 
sorrow,  and  now  resume  their  usual  place,  seeing  you  sound 
and  unwounded.  It  is  true  that  your  cabin  has  been  pil- 
laged, that  your  holy  house  in  which  you  prayed  has  been 
profaned.  But  what  has  done  it?  Brandy.  Your  life  has 
been  attempted;  what  caused  that  crime?  Brandy. 
Brandy  is  a  pernicious  evil  which  you  Europeans  have 
brought  us." 

He  then  reminds  the  priest  that  things  might  have  been 
worse,  and  exhorts  him  to  practise  patience. 

267 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

An  attempt  was  made  to  reinstate  him.  He  returned,  in 
fact,  but  conditions  grew  worse.  Oureouhahe  said  he  could 
not  help  it.  He  was  drunk  when  he  acted  so,  but  would 
not  stop  drinking.  Finally  de  Carheil  abandoned  the  work, 
and  then  a  disease,  doubtless  the  consequence  of  their  dis- 
orders, attacked  the  tribe  and  carried  off  many  victims. 
Seventeen  died  in  the  lodge  where  he  used  to  live  with  the 
drunken  chief.  Some  of  the  Indians  looked  upon  it  as  a 
visitation;  others  blamed  the  priest  for  putting  a  spell  on 
the  place.  Thus  death  was  busy  when  de  Carheil  went 
down  among  the  Mohawks,  who  were  better  behaved  at 
that  time. 

There  he  remained  for  about  a  year,  and  in  1683  we  find 
him  at  Quebec,  after  fifteen  years  of  comparatively  unsuc- 
cessful work  in  New  York. 

From  Quebec  he  was  sent  to  Michilimackinac,  the  gate- 
way of  Lake  Michigan.  At  that  time  it  was  both  a  mil- 
itary and  trading  post,  and  was  occupied  by  French,  Ot- 
tawas,  and  Hurons.  The  Ottawas  and  Hurons  were  sepa- 
rated from  each  other  by  a  high  palisade.  They  had  little 
mutual  intercourse,  as  they  differed  in  language  and  religion ; 
the  Hurons  being  largely  Christian,  the  Ottawas,  pagan. 
In  the  center  of  the  post  stood  a  somewhat  elaborate  church, 
and  near  it  the  modest  slab  house  of  the  missionaries,  which 
their  enemies  said  was  luxurious.  Around  were  the  log 
cabins  of  the  settlers,  and  the  long,  arched-roof  construc- 
tions of  the  Indian  lodges,  some  of  them  as  much  as  120 
feet  long  and  24  wide,  and  each  sheltering  a  number  of  fam- 
ilies. Father  de  Carheil's  work  was  with  the  Hurons. 

The  curse  of  Michilimackinac  in  those  days,  as  indeed  of 
many  another  settlement,  was  the  presence  of  the  coureurs 
de  bois,  wild  scapegraces  of  all  classes,  who  took  to  the  free 
life  of  the  woods  for  adventure,  and  whose  sale  of  liquor, 
joined  to  the  immorality  of  their  lives,  thwarted  all  the  ef- 
forts of  the  missionaries.  Under  the  Commandant  Dur- 
antaye,  the  evil  was  held  in  check  to  some  extent,  but  Fron- 

268 


STEPHEN  DE  CARHEIL. 

tenac  removed  him  and  matters  grew  worse,  till  Michili- 
mackinac  was  described  as  a  Sodom;  the  officers  of  the 
fort  being  as  bad  as  the  coureurs  de  bois.  Complaints  mul- 
tiplied so  fast  that  royal  orders  were  issued  shutting  up  the 
fort  as  a  trading  post  and  leaving  it  in  charge  of  a  garrison. 
The  remedy  was  violent  and  injudicious. 

There  was  another  subject  of  alarm  at  that  time.  De- 
nonville  had  failed  to  keep  the  Iroquois  in  control  and  Fron- 
tenac,  though  an  old  man,  had  been  sent  back  from  France  to 
avert  the  crisis  which  threatened  Canada.  This  was  in 
1690.  Possibly  because  he  was  advanced  in  age  he  did  not 
at  first  display  his  usual  activity,  or  was  not  alive  to  the 
gravity  of  the  situation.  Not  only  were  the  Ottawas,  who 
had  been  hitherto  allies  of  the  French,  about  to  join  the  Iro- 
quois, but  the  tried  and  faithful  Hurons,  seeing  themselves 
unprotected,  were  on  the  point  of  deserting.  No  one  could 
perceive  this  as  well  as  de  Carheil,  who  was  in  the  midst  of 
both  tribes.  He  put  himself  in  communication  with  the 
Governor,  and  one  of  his  letters  to  Frontenac  explaining  the 
situation  is  the  subject  of  considerable  comment  by  his- 
torians. It  is  more  than  likely  that  its  contents  had  some- 
thing to  do  with  prompting  Frontenac  to  begin  the  offensive 
operations  which  resulted  in  the  attack  on  Schenectady, 
Casco,  and  Portsmouth,  and  in  putting  a  quietus  upon  the 
restless  Iroquois,  though  unfortunately,  as  the  effort  was 
only  spasmodic,  it  stimulated  the  English  colonies  to  lay 
aside  their  own  differences  and  unite  in  a  league  against 
the  French.  It  was  the  first  step  towards  the  English  dom- 
ination of  Canada. 

One  of  the  most  lax  of  the  commandants  at  Michili- 
mackinac  in  enforcing  discipline  was  Cadillac,  and  though 
he  was  the  friend,  or  rather  the  worshipper  of  Frontenac, 
he  was  removed  from  his  post  on  account  of  the  protests  of 
the  missionaries.  He  had  his  revenge  in  1701,  when  he  es- 
tablished Fort  Pontchartrain,  the  present  Detroit.  His 
project  at  first  was  acceptable  to  the  missionaries,  as  it 

269 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

meant  another  opportunity  to  get  further  into  the  interior, 
but  after  he  had  established  himself  at  Detroit,  his  real  pur- 
pose revealed  itself.  He  intended  to  destroy  Michilimack- 
inac  by  calling  every  Indian  of  the  Michigan  peninsula  down 
to  the  new  foundation.  That  meant  the  destruction  of  ail 
that  had  been  done  to  Christianize  the  savages,  and  hence 
a  royal  battle  began  against  Cadillac.  De  Carheil  was 
his  chief  opponent,  but  was  beaten.  Little  by  little,  every 
Indian  was  induced  to  leave  the  mission,  and  in  1705  Cadil- 
lac was  able  to  write  to  France :  "  There  are  only  25  In- 
dians left  at  Michilimackinac.  Father  de  Carheil,  who  is 
the  missionary  there,  always  remains  firm,  but  I  am  per- 
suaded that  the  obdurate  old  priest  will  die  in  his  parish 
without  a  single  parishioner." 

"  The  obdurate  old  priest "  did  nothing  of  the  kind. 
When  he  saw  his  mission  absolutely  deserted  he  burned  all 
the  buildings  to  save  them  from  desecration  by  marauders, 
and  returned  to  Quebec.  The  act  was  angrily  condemned 
in  France,  and  he  was  ordered  to  return  and  rebuild.  But 
the  order  was  not  insisted  on.  He  returned,  however,  to 
Michigan,  and  labored  among  the  few  wandering  savages 
he  could  find  there.  It  was  another  of  his  failures.  But 
he  was  not  alone  in  his  sorrow.  Cadillac  had  destroyed 
other  missions  also. 

Among  the  Indians  with  whom  de  Carheil  came  in  con- 
tact was  one  whose  sombre  figure  looms  large  in  Canadian 
history.  He  was  a  Huron  chief  named  Kondiaronk,  whom 
the  French  called  "  The  Rat."  Raynal  and  Charlevoix  re- 
gard him  as  one  of  the  most  remarkable  Indians  of  North 
America.  Rochemonteix  calls  him  a  savage  Machiavelli. 
He  deserves  all  the  hard  things  that  can  be  said  of  him,  at 
least  for  the  beginning  of  his  career.  As  he  was  a  bitter 
and  uncompromising  foe  of  the  Iroquois,  he  would  hear  of 
no  alliance  with  them.  Of  course,  he  was  in  the  fight  when 
Denonville  marched  against  the  Senecas,  and  he  saw  with 
pleasure  that  truce  with  his  foes  was  made  more  remote  by 

270 


STEPHEN  DE  CARHEIL. 

the  foolish  act  of  the  Governor.  The  Iroquois  were  only 
provoked  to  greater  reprisals.  Aware  of  his  mistake,  de 
Denonville  made  every  effort  to  patch  up  a  peace,  and  had 
begged  Father  de  Lamberville,  who  was  just  recovering 
from  a  mortal  illness,  to  come  to  his  assistance.  Thanks  to 
the  influence  of  the  missionary,  the  Iroquois  at  last  agreed 
to  terms.  "  The  Rat  "  heard  of  it.  He  was  down  at  Cata- 
roqui  when  the  news  came.  Dissembling  his  wrath,  he  pre- 
tended to  return  to  Michilimackinac,  but  instead  of  that  he 
set  out  in  pursuit  of  the  Iroquois  deputies;  captured  them; 
murdered  some  and  told  the  rest  that  he  was  acting  under 
orders  of  the  Governor.  He  purposely  allowed  a  certain 
number  to  escape,  and  they  carried  the  intelligence  to  their 
tribes.  To  add  to  the  confusion  "  The  Rat "  presented  one 
of  the  deputies  to  the  Commandant  at  the  fort,  and  had 
him  put  to  death  as  a  spy.  The  French  were  thus  clear- 
ly guilty  of  treachery  in  the  eyes  of  the  Iroquois.  The 
hatchet  was  dug  up;  war  raged  all  along  the  St.  Lawrence. 
At  Lachine  alone,  200  people  were  killed  and  120  taken  pris- 
oners, most  of  whom  were  burned  alive.  This  disaster 
at  Lachine,  which  is  so  close  to  Montreal,  almost  brought 
the  French  into  contempt.  They  could  not  defend  them- 
selves. How  could  they  protect  their  allies  ? 

It  throws  light  on  the  methods  which  had  to  be  employed 
with  those  wild  men  when  we  find  that  this  wretch,  though 
his  treachery  was  commonly  known,  was  afterwards  ad- 
mitted to  the  confidence  of  the  French,  and  promoted  to  the 
rank  of  captain  in  the  army.  He  was  even  admitted  to  the 
Governor's  table.  His  wit  was  so  keen,  and  his  power  of 
repartee,  in  which  no  one  was  a  match  for  him  but  the  Gov- 
ernor, so  remarkable,  that  these  unusual  distinctions  were 
willingly  accorded  to  him.  He  finally  came  under  the  in- 
fluence of  de  Carheil,  and  used  to  say  that  there  were  only 
two  clever  men  among  the  French,  de  Carheil  and  Fron- 
tenac.  Admiration  ripened  into  friendship,  and  finally  the 
priest  made  him  a  Christian,  so  fervent,  intelligent,  and  de- 

271 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

voted  that  he  often  preached  to  his  people  and  explained 
the  doctrines  of  the  faith.  He  was  fully  convinced  that 
Christianity  was  their  only  salvation,  even  in  a  temporal 
sense. 

When  Frontenac  withdrew,  de  Callieres,  who  succeeded 
him  in  the  Governorship,  conceived  the  plan  of  uniting  all 
the  Indians  in  a  vast  federation  to  support  each  other  as  well 
as  their  French  allies.  With  their  conflicting  interests  and 
their  inveterate  hatred,  the  scheme  seemed  impossible  of  re- 
alization, but  it  was  attempted.  Messengers  were  sent  in 
all  directions  to  induce  the  various  tribes  to  meet  the  Gov- 
ernor at  Montreal.  Father  Bruyas  was  despatched  to  the 
Iroquois,  Enjalran  to  the  Ottawas,  and  Bigot's  help  was 
enlisted  with  the  far-off  Abenakis.  They  all  succeeded, 
and  at  the  end  of  July,  1701,  one  thousand  Indians  met  in 
their  canoes  on  the  St.  Lawrence,  near  Montreal. 

The  great  representative  of  the  Hurons  was,  of  course, 
"  The  Rat."  Everything  depended  on  him.  But  being  a 
Christian  now,  he  viewed  things  in  a  different  light.  He 
did  not  fail  his  friends.  It  was  the  last  act,  and  the  most 
dramatic  one,  of  his  eventful  career. 

On  August  1st,  while  one  of  the  Huron  Sachems  was  talk- 
ing, "  The  Rat "  was  suddenly  taken  ill.  Every  one  was 
in  consternation,  no  one  more  than  the  Governor.  The  old 
Indian  had  completely  collapsed,  and  anxious  efforts  were 
made  to  revive  him.  At  last  he  rallied  and  was  placed  in 
an  arm  chair  in  the  midst  of  the  assembly.  He  essayed  to 
speak  and  all  listened  with  breathless  attention.  He  de- 
scribed with  modesty,  yet  with  dignity,  all  the  steps  he  had 
taken  to  secure  a  permanent  peace  among  all  the  nations ;  he 
made  them  see  the  necessity,  and  the  advantages  accruing 
to  each  tribe  in  particular.  Then  turning  to  de  Callieres 
he  conjured  him  so  to  act  that  no  one  could  ever  reproach 
him  with  abusing  the  confidence  placed  in  him. 

His  voice  failing,  he  ceased  to  speak,  but  applause  arose 
from  all  present.  It  did  not  affect  him,  however,  for  he 

272 


STEPHEN  DE  CARHEIL. 

was   accustomed   to   receive   it   even   from   his   opponents. 

The  Governor  pledged  his  word  to  be  true  to  the  treaty, 
and  at  the  end  of  the  session,  had  the  old  chief  carried  care- 
fully to  the  Hotel  Dieu,  where  he  died  two  hours  after  mid- 
night in  the  most  Christian  sentiments,  fortified  by  the  sac- 
raments of  the  Church.  His  death  caused  general  sorrow. 
The  body  lay  in  state  in  an  officer's  uniform,  with  side  arms, 
for  he  held  the  rank  and  enjoyed  the  pay  of  captain  in  the 
French  army.  The  Governor  General  and  Intendant  went 
first  to  sprinkle  the  corpse  with  holy  water.  The  Sieur  de 
Joncaire  followed  at  the  head  of  sixty  warriors  of  Sault  St. 
Louis,  all  of  them  weeping  for  the  dead,  and  "  covering 
him,"  that  is,  giving  presents  to  the  Hurons,  as  a  tribute 
to  the  chief. 

His  funeral,  which  took  place  next  day,  was  as  magnificent 
as  it  was  singular.  M.  de  St.  Ours,  the  ranking  captain, 
marched  in  front,  at  the  head  of  sixty  men  under  arms ;  six- 
teen Huron  braves,  attired  in  long  beaver  robes,  with  their 
faces  blackened,  followed  with  guns  reversed,  marching  in 
squads  of  four.  Then  came  the  clergy  with  six  war-chiefs 
carrying  the  bier,  which  was  covered  with  a  pall  strewn  with 
flowers.  On  it  lay  a  chapeau  and  feather,  a  gorget  and 
sword.  The  brothers  and  children  of  the  deceased  were 
behind  it,  accompanied  by  all  the  chiefs  of  the  nations,  while 
de  Vaudreuil,  Governor  of  the  city,  closed  the  procession. 

At  the  end  of  the  service,  there  were  two  volleys  of  mus- 
ketry; a  third  was  given  when  the  body  was  committed  to 
the  earth.  The  chief  was  interred  in  the  great  church  and 
on  the  tomb  was  written  the  inscription :  "  Cy  git  le  Rat, 
Chef  Huron."  Here  lies  The  Rat,  a  Huron  Chief. 

Kondiaronk  is  the  original  of  the  famous  "  Andario  "  of 
La  Hontan,  de  la  Barre's  and  de  Denonville's  discredited 
soldier,  whose  alleged  history  of  Canada  made  a  sensation 
in  Europe  by  its  mockery  of  religion.  He  makes  Kon- 
diaronk, whom  he  knew  and  whom  he  calls  "  Andario," 
discuss  the  religion,  politics,  philosophy  and  social  condi- 
1R  273 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

tions  of  civilization,  and  puts  into  his  mouth  words  of  con- 
tempt for  them  all,  contrasting  them  with  the  simplicity, 
innocence  and  integrity  of  the  simple  life  of  the  forest.  Of 
course,  it  was  only  a  device  of  the  writer  to  express  his  own 
irreligious  views.  Although  the  book  attracted  a  great  deal 
of  attention  at  the  time,  no  serious  man  ever  regarded  it  as 
worthy  of  credence.  It  goes  to  show,  however,  the  prom- 
inence which  Kondiaronk  enjoyed. 

A  few  years  after  these  events,  de  Carheil  went  down  to 
Quebec  to  prepare  for  the  end,  as  most  of  the  missionaries 
did  when  they  escaped  the  tomahawk.  No  doubt  he 
stopped  at  Montreal  to  pray  at  the  tomb  of  "  The  Rat." 
Soon  the  priest  and  the  Indian  would  be  together  in  the 
happy  hunting  grounds.  Of  the  once  famous  monument 
there  is  now  no  recollection ;  the  nuns  of  Hotel  Dieu  having 
removed  to  another  part  of  the  town. 

At  Quebec,  the  old  missionary,  with  his  sixty  years  of 
heroic  labor  which  had  whitened  his  locks,  without,  as 
Charlevoix  says,  impairing  his  vigor  and  vivacity,  was  a 
source  of  happiness  and  edification  for  those  who  were  priv- 
ileged to  live  with  him  in  the  college  which  was  honored  by 
his  presence. 

His  life  had  been  a  great  one,  but  Charlevoix  rather  un- 
kindly says  of  him :  "  Nothing  shows  more  clearly  that  the 
holiest  men,  most  estimable  for  personal  qualities,  are  in 
God's  hands  mere  instruments  which  he  can  do  without. 
He  had  sacrificed  the  greatest  talents  which  can  do  honor 
to  a  man  of  his  profession,  and  in  the  hopes  of  a  fate  like 
that  of  many  of  his  brethren  who  had  bedewed  Canada  with 
their  blood,  he  had  employed  a  kind  of  violence  with  his 
Superiors  to  secure  a  mission  whose  obscurity  sheltered  him 
from  all  ambition  and  offered  him  only  crosses.  There  he 
labored  untiringly  for  more  than  sixty  years.  He  spoke 
Huron  and  Iroquois  with  as  much  ease  and  elegance  as 
his  mother  tongue.  The  French  and  Indians  concurred  in 
regarding  him  as  a  saint  and  a  genius  of  the  highest  order. 

274 


STEPHEN  DE  CARHEIL. 

Yet  he  wrought  few  conversions.  For  that  he  humbled 
himself  before  God  and  this  humiliation  served  to  sanctify 
him  more  and  more.  He  has  often  protested  to  me  that  he 
adored  the  designs  of  Providence  in  his  regard,  convinced 
that  he  would  have  imperilled  his  salvation  by  the  success 
which  he  might  have  claimed  in  a  more  distinguished  posi- 
tion, and  that  this  thought  consoled  him  beyond  everything 
for  the  barrenness  of  his  long  and  toilsome  apostolate." 
Whereupon  the  talkative  old  historian  begins  to  read  a 
homily  about  the  proper  dispositions  of  those  who  enter 
upon  an  evangelical  career. 

Evidently  what  troubled  Charlevoix  was  that  Father  de 
Carheil  had  not  succeeded  in  becoming  a  martyr  like  Jogues, 
Brebeuf  and  the  others.  But  though  de  Carheil  was  not 
a  martyr  except  in  desire,  he  was  a  great  apostle  and  possibly 
did  not  not 'tell  Father  Charlevoix  all  that  he  had  accom- 
plished in  New  York  and  Michigan  lest  there  might  be 
written  down  in  I'Histoire  de  la  Nouvette  France  too  much 
of  a  eulogy  of  those  glorious  sixty  years  of  a  splendid  and 
heroic  apostolate. 


275 


PETER   RAFFEIX. 

MOST  of  the  old  Governors  of  Quebec  took  themselves 
very  seriously.  Naturally  so,  for  through  them,  Louis 
XIV,  the  Roi  Soleil,  beamed  on  the  western  world.  Thus 
the  Marquis  de  Tracy  was  nothing  less  than  "  Viceroy  and 
Commandant  of  His  Majesty's  troops  in  America,"  though 
"  His  Majesty's  troops "  consisted  of  just  one  regiment, 
the  Carignan,  and  whatever  Canadian  volunteers  wished  to 
enter  the  ranks.  It  was  not  a  formidable  array,  and  so  the 
Marquis  had  to  do  something  to  maintain  his  dignity. 
Hence  he  never  walked  abroad  except  with  a  retinue  of 
four  or  five  pages  in  gorgeous  attire  and  a  score  or  two  of 
soldiers  with  officers  in  brilliant  uniform.  It  must  have  been 
a  curious  sight  in  the  then  shabby  streets  of  Quebec.  Be- 
sides the  Viceroy,  there  was  also  a  Governor,  who  at  the 
time  we  are  speaking  of  was  de  Courcelles.  As  his  great- 
ness was  eclipsed  by  the  splendor  of  the  Viceroy  it  may  have 
been  a  desire  to  keep  up  the  dignity  of  his  official  position 
that  prompted  him  to  organize  a  punitive  expedition  to  the 
country  of  the  Iroquois.  With  sublime  contempt  of  the 
commonest  prudence,  he  started  out  in  mid-winter.  His 
objective  point  was  Albany,  900  miles  away.  The  snow 
was  deep  and  the  Carignan  Regiment  was  innocent  of  the 
art  of  wearing  snowshoes;  there  were  lakes  and  rivers  to 
cross  with  constant  danger  of  the  ice  breaking  under  their 
feet ;  and  no  one  knew  the  way,  though  it  had  been  arranged 
that  some  Algonquin  guides  should  meet  them  somewhere 
on  the  road.  Each  man  had  to  carry  his  own  provisions, 
not  even  the  General  being  exempt.  On  they  journeyed 
until  they  came  within  40  miles  of  Fort  Orange  without 
ever  seeing  an  Iroquois  except  an  occasional  one  skulking 
in  the  woods  who  would  try  his  best  to  pick  off  the  weary 
stragglers.  Many  of  the  soldiers  were  frost  bitten,  others 

276 


PETER  RAFFEIX. 

dropped  dead  from  exhaustion;  the  snow  was  growing 
deeper,  the  forests  more  impenetrable,  and  so  without 
having  done  anything,  the  gallant  de  Courcelles  determined 
to  go  back.  "  It  required  French  courage,  and  M.  de  Cour- 
celles' firmness,"  say  the  Relations,  "  to  undertake  this  ex- 
pedition." After  losing  sixty  men  and  several  officers,  and 
undergoing  incredible  hardships,  the  battered  soldiers  strug- 
gled back  to  Quebec,  which  they  had  left  with  such  a  flour- 
ish of  trumpets  a  month  or  so  before. 

Quite  in  keeping  with  the  judgment  that  prompted  this 
ridiculous  expedition,  de  Courcelles  ascribed  its  failure  to 
the  Jesuits  who,  he  said,  had  prevented  the  Algonquin  con- 
tingent from  arriving  at  the  appointed  time.  As  the  chap- 
lain of  this  little  snow-shoe  army  was  the  Jesuit  Father  Raf- 
feix,  and  as  the  Jesuits  would  have  been  the  first  to  be  bene- 
fited, if  this  military  demonstration  had  quieted  the  Iro- 
quois,  no  one  believed  the  accusation,  and  after  a  little  while 
the  Governor  admitted  that  he  had  spoken  in  his  wrath. 

The  disgrace,  of  course,  had  to  be  obliterated,  and  so,  in 
July  of  the  same  year,  Captain  Sorel  received  orders  to 
march  against  the  enemy.  He  obeyed,  but  long  before  he 
reached  the  Mohawk,  Iroquois  envoys  met  him  and  pleaded 
for  peace.  Everyone  knew  they  did  not  mean  it,  but 
Sorel  thought  they  did,  and  he  marched  back  with  them  to 
Quebec. 

No  one  was  satisfied,  and  consequently,  although  the 
season  was  advanced,  de  Tracy,  the  Viceroy,  in  spite  of  his 
age,  took  the  field  with  600  soldiers  of  the  Carignan  reg- 
iment, 600  Canadians  and  a  hundred  Hurons  and  Algon- 
quins,  leaving  Fort  St.  Therese,  at  the  head  of  Lake  Cham- 
plain,  September  28.  There  were  four  chaplains  with  this 
army,  among  them  Father  Raffeix,  who  was  thus  making 
his  second  expedition  to  New  York. 

No  Iroquois  met  the  invaders.  They  had  deserted  their 
villages  and  taken  to  the  woods,  and  all  that  this  great  Vice- 
roy did  was  to  give  over  to  the  flames  the  four  principal 

277 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

Mohawk  villages,  the  first  of  which  was  Ossernenon,  or 
Auriesville. 

We  have  in  the  Relation  a  description  of  its  condition  at 
that  time,  though  the  account  seems  rather  to  apply  to  the 
village  furthest  west,  probably  Tionnontoguen,  but  as  the  ar- 
rangements in  one  were  exactly  duplicated  in  the  other  what 
was  said  of  Tionnontoguen  applies  to  all  the  rest.  We  are 
told  that  "  it  had  a  triple  stockade  twenty  feet  high,  each 
flanked  by  four  bastions.  It  had  a  prodigious  hoard  of  pro- 
visions, and  an  abundant  supply  of  water  which  was  kept 
in  bark  receptacles.  Some  old  men  and  women  and  children 
still  lingered  in  the  village,  and  the  mutilated  bodies  of  two 
or  three  savages  of  another  nation  who  had  been  partially 
burned  over  a  slow  fire  were  found  there.  There  were  no 
Indians  to  fight,  so  our  people  were  forced  to  content  them- 
selves after  erecting  the  Cross,  saying  Mass,  and  chanting 
the  Te  Deum  on  that  spot,  with  setting  fire  to  the  palisades 
and  cabins  and  consuming  the  entire  store  of  Indian  corn, 
beans,  and  other  produce  of  the  country  which  was  found 
there.  This  devastation  would  have  the  same  effect  in  tran- 
quillizing the  savages  as  a  more  sanguinary  victory." 
Whether  the  Cross  was  erected,  Mass  celebrated,  and  the 
Te  Deum  sung  at  Ossernenon  we  cannot  be  positive,  for  de 
Tracy  may  have  been  satisfied  with  one  solemn  prise  de 
possession,  but  at  least  one  of  the  chaplains,  Father  Raf- 
feix,  must  have  been  more  than  happy  to  find  himself  in  such 
surroundings,  on  the  very  spot  consecrated  by  the  blood  of 
his  brother  in  religion,  Father  Jogues;  but  as  in  the  case  of 
Father  Le  Moyne,  we  find  no  documents  to  show  that  he 
sought  for  any  mementoes,  or  endeavored  to  find  any  of  the 
relics  of  Jogues  and  his  companions.  After  this  exploit,  de 
Tracy  retraced  his  steps,  for  the  approaching  winter  pre- 
vented him  from  venturing  any  further  west,  and  amid 
great  rejoicings  he  returned  to  Quebec.  The  three  expedi- 
tions, according  to  Benj.  Suite,  were  farcical.  But  they 
resulted  in  a  seventeen-year  peace  with  the  Iroquois,  which 
was  at  least  something  to  boast  of. 

278 


PETER  RAFFEIX. 

Father  Raffeix,  of  course,  went  back  to  Quebec  with  the 
troops.  He  had  come  out  to  America  along  with  Bishop 
Laval  in  1663,  and  had  had  a  wearisome  time  of  it  on  the 
four  months'  journey  over  the  ocean.  Forty  of  the  passen- 
gers were  sick  and  dying  in  the  ship's  hold  and  ample  oppor- 
tunity was  given  him  to  exercise  his  zeal.  He  appears  to 
have  been  destined  for  the  Cayuga  mission  at  the  time  when 
the  expedition  against  the  Mohawks  was  organized,  but  in- 
stead of  going  there  was  assigned  to  the  chaplaincy  of  the 
expedition.  It  was  not  until  six  years  afterwards  that  he 
was  sent  to  take  the  place  of  de  Carheil,  who  was  leaving 
Cayuga  in  shattered  health. 

Father  Raffeix  was  enchanted  with  Cayuga.  "  It  is  the 
fairest  country,"  he  says,  "  that  I  have  seen  in  America.  Its 
latitude  is  42^  degrees,  and  the  variation  of  the  magnetic 
needle  there  is  scarcely  more  than  ten  degrees.  It  is  a  tract 
situated  between  two  lakes  and  not  exceeding  four  leagues 
in  width,  consisting  of  almost  uninterrupted  plains  with 
very  beautiful  woods  bordering  them. 

"  Annie,  on  the  other  hand,  is  a  very  narrow  valley,  often 
abounding  in  stones  and  always  covered  with  mists.  The 
mountains  hemming  it  in  seem  to  me  of  very  poor  soil  " — 
This  "  Annie "  is  the  part  of  the  Mohawk  where  he  had 
been  with  Courcelles  and  de  Tracy.  "  Oneida  and  Onon- 
daga,"  he  continues,  "  also  appear  to  be  very  rough  regions 
and  little  adapted  to  the  chase,  and  the  same  may  be  said 
of  Seneca.  But  around  Cayuga  there  are  killed  annually 
more  than  a  thousand  deer.  Fish — salmon,  as  well  as  eels 
and  other  kinds — are  as  plentiful  here  as  at  Onondaga.  Four 
leagues  from  here  I  saw  by  the  side  of  a  river  within  a  very 
limited  space,  eight  or  ten  extremely  fine  salt  springs.  Many 
snares  are  set  for  pigeons,  from  seven  to  eight  hundred  be- 
ing often  taken  at  once.  Lake  Tiohero,  one  of  the  two  ad- 
joining our  village,  is  fully  fourteen  leagues  long  by  two 
wide.  Swans  and  bustards  are  very  abundant  there  during 
the  entire  winter,  and  in  spring  one  sees  nothing  but  contin- 

279 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

ual  clouds  of  all  sorts  of  wild  fowl.  The  Oswego  River, 
which  flows  from  the  lake,  divides  in  its  upper  waters  into 
several  channels  bordered  by  prairies,  and  at  intervals  are 
very  pleasant  and  somewhat  deep  inlets  which  are  preserves 
for  the  game. 

"  I  find  the  inhabitants  of  Cayuga  more  tractable  and  less 
haughty  than  the  Oneidas  and  Onondagas,  and  if  God  had 
humbled  them  as  He  has  the  Mohawks  I  believe  the  faith 
could  be  planted  there  more  easily  than  in  any  of  the  other 
Iroquois  Nations.  There  are  estimated  to  be  more  than 
three  hundred  warriors  here,  and  a  prodigious  number  of 
little  children."  However,  he  does  not  think  "  the  hour  of 
their  conversion  has  yet  arrived,  and  he  tells  how  he  is  driven 
out  of  their  cabins  with  sticks  and  stones.  On  one  occasion 
"  the  daughter  of  the  family  threw  a  large  stone  at  me  with- 
out hitting  me,  however,"  which  is  the  way  with  the  sex 
everywhere. 

"  I  introduced  singing  among  the  catechumens,  adapting 
thereto  various  prayers  and  some  hymns  in  their  tongue  on 
the  principal  mysteries  of  the  faith.  On  the  first  day  of  the 
year  we  offered  these  songs  of  praise  as  a  New  Year's  gift 
to  Our  Lord  and  have  since  continued  them  with  good  re- 
sults, and  the  great  gratification  of  our  savages.  I  count 
thirty,  children  and  adults  together,  to  whom  God  has 
granted  the  grace  of  baptism  since  Father  de  Carheil's  de- 
parture. The  idea  that  the  whole  nation  can  be  converted 
at  once,  or  the  expectation  that  Christians  can  be  made  by 
hundreds  and  thousands  in  this  country  is  a  delusion.  Can- 
ada is  not  a  land  of  flowers ;  to  find  and  pluck  an  occasional 
one  it  is  necessary  to  walk  a  long  distance  through  thorns 
and  briars." 

The  observations  of  Raffeix  about  the  latitude  of  Cayuga, 
the  declination  of  the  needle,  etc.,  remind  us  that  in  the 
midst  of  his  apostolic  labors  he  was  also  making  scientific 
observations.  In  fact  we  find  that  he  is  known  to  the 
learned  world  as  a  cartographer  of  some  distinction. 

280 


BISHOP    DE   SAINT-VALLIER. 


PETER  RAFFEIX. 

Thus  the  Catalogue  of  the  Library  of  Parliament  (To- 
ronto, 1858)  mentions  among  the  maps  in  that  library, 
copied  in  Paris  (1852-53),  an  interesting  one  by  Raffeix, 
dated  1676,  and  called  "  Map  of  the  westernmost  parts  of 
Canada."  A  note  by  the  copyist  says :  "  This  map  is 
accompanied  by  an  extensive  legend,  full  of  information, 
especially  in  regard  to  the  voyages  of  Father  Marquette  and 
Sieur  Joliet"  By  a  mistake  the  name  is  written  Kaffeix, 
instead  of  Raffeix.  On  the  next  page  of  the  Catalogue  oc- 
curs the  notice  of  a  second  map,  dated  1688,  the  title  of 
which  is  the  same  as  that  of  one  in  the  Bibliotheque  Natio- 
nale,  of  Paris,  and  is  ascribed  to  Raffeix  by  Sommervogel. 
It  is  a  map  of  "  Lake  Ontario,  with  the  adjacent  regions,  and 
especially  the  five  Iroquois  nations."  Sommervogel  men- 
tions another  one  by  Raffeix  which  is  in  the  library  of  the 
Marine  Bureau,  representing  "  New  France  from  the  Ocean 
to  Lake  Erie,  and  on  the  south  to  New  England." 

Although  he  wrote  to  his  Superior  that  persons  of  exalted 
virtue  could  find  ample  material  for  the  exercise  of  virtue 
among  the  Cayugas,  and  that  faint-hearted  people  like  him- 
self are  delighted  to  find  themselves  forced  by  necessity  to 
suffer  much  to  derive  their  sole  consolation  from  God,  and 
to  toil  incessantly  in  self-sanctification,  and  that  therefore 
he  prayed  his  Reverence  to  leave  him  in  this  happy  condition 
all  his  life  as  the  greatest  favor  that  could  be  accorded  to 
him,  yet  by  that  time,  Father  de  Carheil  had  recovered  his 
health  and  had  reclaimed  his  post  of  danger  among  the  Cay- 
ugas. Consequently  Father  Raffeix  was  recalled  to  Can- 
ada. It  was  then  that  he  suggested  founding  a  settlement 
at  La  Prairie  for  the  converted  Iroquois,  similar  to  the  one 
which  had  been  established  for  the  converted  Hurons  at 
Sillery,  further  down  the  St.  Lawrence.  La  Prairie  de  la 
Madeleine,  as  it  was  known,  developed  into  the  present 
Caughnawaga,  where  the  Indians  after  several  migrations 
ultimately  settled. 

It  took  its  name  from  Jacques  de  la  Ferte,  Abbe  de  la 

281 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

Madeleine,  who  was  a  Canon  of  the  Sainte  Chapelle  in  Paris, 
and  one  of  the  Hundred  Associates  of  the  Company  of  New 
France.  He  gave  the  land,  in  1647,  to  the  Jesuits  on  con- 
dition that  they  would  employ  such  persons  as  they  might 
judge  proper  to  cultivate  the  lands,  the  donor  having  a 
share  in  their  prayers  and  Holy  Sacrifices.  It  was  given 
"  in  consideration  of  the  assistance  their  Order  had  bestowed 
on  the  inhabitants  of  New  France  and  the  dangers  incurred 
in  bringing  the  savages  to  the  knowledge  of  the  true  God." 
The  Indian  settlement  was  transferred  to  its  present  site 
further  up  the  river,  in  1675. 

Raffeix  remained  at  La  Prairie  only  a  year  or  so  when 
Father  Fremin,  at  the  express  desire  of  de  Courcelles,  was 
put  in  charge  of  it,  Raffeix  going  to  the  Senecas.  We  get 
only  a  glimpse  of  him,  here  and  there,  in  the  general  story, 
but  we  discover  that  when  La  Motte,  the  Lieutenant  of  La 
Salle,  went  down  with  Hennepin  to  ask  leave  of  the  Senecas 
to  build  Fort  Niagara,  he  met  two  Jesuits  in  the  village. 
They  were  Raffeix  and  Gamier.  Father  Morain  was  at 
this  time  somewhere  else  among  the  Senecas.  Disliking  all 
priests  and  especially  Jesuits,  La  Motte  insisted  upon  the 
two  missionaries  leaving  the  council.  Rather  than  create 
any  difficulty  and  no  doubt  quite  willing  to  leave  this  swash- 
buckling envoy  to  his  own  devices,  they  withdrew.  La 
Motte  subsequently  fell  out  with  La  Salle  and  disappeared 
from  the  scene. 

Subsequently  we  find  Raffeix  as  Procurator  at  Quebec, 
and  Rochemonteix  has  unearthed  a  very  interesting  letter 
from  him  which  recalls  a  chapter  of  extremely  turbulent  and 
distressing  Canadian  history. 

After  Bishop  Laval  had  resigned  his  See,  the  Abbe  Jean 
Baptiste  de  Saint- Vallier  was  appointed  in  his  place  "to  avoid 
being  made  a  bishop  of  France."  He  was  clever,  having 
been  made  a  Doctor  of  the  Sorbonne  at  19,  well  connected, 
pious  and  zealous.  He  was  almoner  of  the  King  and  a  par- 
ticular friend  of  the  famous  Pere  La  Chaise.  Another  Jesuit, 

282 


PETER  RAFFEIX. 

Le  Valois,  directed  his  conscience.  The  two  Jesuits  and  the 
well-known  Sulpitian,  Tronson,  were  somewhat  concerned 
about  his  impetuous  zeal  as  well  as  his  youth,  but  thought 
that  time  would  work  wonders  in  him.  They  were  disap- 
pointed. 

Rome  was  slow  in  accepting  Laval's  resignation.  Mean- 
time Saint  Vallier  went  to  Quebec  as  Vicar  General.  At  that 
time  there  were  17  secular  priests  in  the  diocese  and  a  num- 
ber of  religious  communities  of  men  and  women.  He  came 
as  bishop  in  August,  1688,  and  for  40  years  Canada  was 
in  a  tumult.  Bishop  Laval  and  every  one  else  complained. 
Even  Louis  XIV  requested  the  bishop  to  resign,  but  the 
opindtre  Dauphinois,  as  Rochemonteix  calls  him,  refused. 
Sailing  for  Canada,  after  one  of  his  journeys  to  Europe,  he 
was  captured  by  the  English  and  kept  a  prisoner  for  two  or 
three  years. 

Like  everyone  else,  the  Jesuits  suffered  from  the  exces- 
sive zeal  of  the  bishop.  One  of  his  measures  especially 
concerns  us.  He  transformed  the  famous  old  Lorette  of 
Father  Chaumonot  into  a  parish  church,  and  it  is  in  con- 
nection with  this  action  that  Father  Raffeix,  who  was  in 
charge  of  the  finances  of  the  Province,  writes  to  the 
Father  General,  October  18,  1700 :  "  I,  P.  Raffeix,  priest 
of  the  Society  of  Jesus,  having  a  thorough  knowledge  of  the 
business  matters  of  the  College  of  Quebec,  acquired  by  18 
continuous  years  of  office  as  procurator  of  the  same  college, 
and  of  whatever  missions  depend  on  it,  declare  that  the 
chapel  of  Lorette,  which  our  Fathers  have  built  for  the 
Huron  mission,  three  leagues  from  Quebec,  of  cut  stone,  as 
was  also  the  house  adjoining,  and  which  from  time  to  time 
I  have  had  repaired,  has  cost  more  than  6,000  livres,  French 
money.  This  chapel  and  the  adjoining  house,  the  illustrious 
Bishop  of  Quebec  has  expressed  the  wish  that  our  Fathers 
should  give  him  for  a  presbytery  and  parish  church.  I  wish, 
also,  to  note  that  in  the  6,000  livres,  French  money,  I  have 
not  included  the  four  acres  of  cultivated  land  which  the  same 

283 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

illustrious  bishop  desires  to  take  for  the  use  of  the  parish  and 
parishioners.  In  testimony  of  which  I  have  hereunto  set 
my  hand  and  seal,  etc." 

Father  Bouvart,  the  Superior,  made  no  effort  to  prevent 
this  transfer,  in  spite  of  the  protest  of  all  the  Fathers,  and  of 
many  of  the  laity.  His  Lordship  offered  no  indemnity, 
though  afterwards  he  contributed  400  francs.  Their  pupils 
in  the  preparatory  college  classes  were  also  taken  from  them 
and  their  faculties  as  confessors  of  convents  were  revoked. 
It  is  somewhat  diverting  to  hear  that  they  were  denounced 
to  the  General  Father  Gonzales  for  teaching  the  immoral 
doctrine  of  probabilism. 

In  his  latter  days,  however,  the  bishop  became  more 
kindly,  restored  them  their  faculties,  and  took  a  Jesuit  con- 
fessor, but  1'Ancienne  Lorette  was  never  given  back  to  its 
owners.  Chaumonot  had  died  seven  years  before,  and  it  is 
noteworthy  that  the  bishop  was  very  eager  to  have  some  of 
his  relics,  for  the  old  founder  was  looked  upon  as  a  saint. 

Raffeix  died  about  24  years  after  these  lamentable  events. 
He  was  born  in  Auvergne,  1633,  and  died  in  Quebec  in 
1724,  so  that  he  had  reached  the  advanced  age  of  91. 
Longevity  was  very  usual  with  these  old  heroes  who  made 
light  of  life. 


284 


FRANCIS  BONIFACE. 

IT  is  not  surprising  that  the  mission  established  on  the  very 
spot  where  Father  Jogues  was  martyred  should  be 
conspicuous  for  the  heroic  piety  of  its  converts.  Piety  was, 
so  to  say,  in  the  soil,  planted  there  by  the  blood  of  its  first 
apostle.  In  fact  the  old  Jesuits  were  accustomed  to  give 
that  explanation  of  the  phenomenon  and  Father  Chauche- 
tiere  added  another :  "  Was  it  not  these  very  Mohawks 
who  had  gone  all  the  way  to  Lake  Huron  to  slay  Father 
de  Brebeuf?  The  merits  of  his  sacrifice  also  must  have 
won  great  graces  for  the  conversion  of  those  ferocious  Mo- 
hawks." 

The  first  priest  who  succeeded  in  establishing  himself 
there  permanently  was  Father  Boniface.  It  was  his  only 
mission  in  America.  He  had  gone  directly  to  Ossernenon,  in 
1669,  after  arriving  in  Canada,  and  when  his  short  term  of 
five  years  was  over  he  went  back  to  Quebec  and  died.  There 
is  absolutely  nothing  startling  or  tragic  in  his  life,  but  it  only 
goes  to  show  that  the  wonderful  transformation  so  sud- 
denly effected  among  the  Mohawks  was  not  due  to  natural 
but  to  supernatural  causes. 

He  found  only  about  four  or  five  hundred  people  in  the 
village  when  he  arrived,  but  a  very  large  part  of  them  seemed 
to  be  awaiting  his  coming,  and  Ossernenon  achieved  the 
glory  of  being  the  first  regularly  established  church  in  the 
Mohawk  valley. 

Had  we  been  wanderers  in  those  wilds  in  1670,  we  should 
have  seen  the  little  chapel  rising  amidst  the  long-houses  of 
the  Mohawks,  and  within  a  fervent  congregation  kneeling 
before  the  humble  altar  devoutly  reciting  their  prayers  or 
chanting  in  alternate  choirs  the  hymns  and  canticles  of  the 
service.  We  should  have  been  surprised  to  see  them  also 
just  as  in  a  church  in  Europe,  kneeling  around  the  Crib  of 
the  Infant  Jesus,  which  the  pastor  had  procured  for  his 

285 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

chapel,  and  whose  effect  on  his  people  he  had  witnessed  with 
amazement.  Even  the  custom  of  distributing  the  pain  benit 
at  Mass  had  been  introduced  from  Montreal ;  a  reminder  of 
the  love  feasts  of  the  early  Christians. 

Those  fervent  Mohawks  had  no  false  shame  about  their 
religion.  They  paraded  it  openly,  and  wore  their  crosses 
and  medals  so  that  their  pagan  relatives  could  see  them, 
and  what  was  more,  they  flaunted  them  in  the  face  of  the 
Dutch  at  Fort  Orange,  although  mocked  at  for  their  popish 
superstition,  and  even  threatened  with  punishment  for  dis- 
playing the  offensive  emblems.  Nor  was  it  a  mere  matter 
of  words  or  an  exhibition  of  dislike  that  they  had  to  face. 
One  of  their  great  chiefs,  Assendase,  by  name,  so  irritated 
his  relatives  by  his  zeal  in  propagating  the  faith  that  he  was 
furiously  assaulted  by  an  angry  kinsman,  who  tore  the  medal 
from  his  neck  and  stood  for  a  moment  with  uplifted  hatchet 
to  cleave  his  skull.  Assendase  looked  at  him  calmly  and  said, 
without  a  tremor :  "  Strike,  I  shall  be  only  too  happy  to 
die  for  my  faith."  He  came  very  near  being  the  first  Iro- 
quois  martyr. 

The  Dutch,  of  course,  could  not  resort  to  such  violent 
measures,  but  their  contempt  was  no  less  galling.  Com- 
monly, however,  it  had  no  other  effect  than  to  confirm  the 
Indians  in  their  faith.  It  is  narrated  that  on  one  occasion 
a  strong-minded  squaw,  angered  by  the  treatment  she  had 
received,  strode  into  the  Protestant  meeting-house  at  Albany, 
while  service  was  going  on,  and  in  a  loud  voice  recited  the 
prayers  she  had  learned  from  the  Black  Gown.  Of  course, 
they  put  her  out,  but  she  gloried  in  her  exploit. 

One  reproach  that  was  hard  for  the  braves  to  bear  was 
that  their  faith  took  away  their  warlike  spirit.  Even  Fron- 
tenac  taunted  the  missionaries  with  that.  But  the  accusa- 
tion was  altogether  undeserved,  for  the  Christian  Mohawks, 
though  no  longer  indulging  in  their  old-time  ferocity,  were 
always  ready  for  war,  and  never  failed  to  distinguish  them- 
selves as  superb  fighters. 

286 


FRANCIS    BONIFACE. 

There  is  one  instance,  however,  at  Ossernenon,  of  a  dif- 
ferent state  of  mind  on  the  part  of  a  former  warrior  who  had 
taken  many  a  scalp  and  yet  who  as  a  Christian  refused  to 
fight,  without,  however,  displaying  the  white  feather.  War 
had  been  declared  against  the  Illinois,  and  he  hesitated  about 
going  out.  He  heard  the  word :  "  Coward,"  and  he  re- 
plied: "You  know  I  am  no  coward;  and  I  will  go  to  this 
war,  but  not  to  fight,  or  plunder,  or  pillage,  or  kill.  My 
occupation  will  be  to  instruct  those  who  wish  to  hear  me, 
and  to  prevent  all  the  evil  I  can.  I  have  witnessed  the 
frightful  massacres  of  children  which  take  place  when  we 
make  ourselves  masters  of  an  enemy's  village.  I  will  bap- 
tize as  many  of  them  as  I  can  and  even  the  adults  whom  I 
may  be  allowed  to  instruct  before  you  burn  them."  He 
spoke  to  the  priest  about  it  and  his  project  was  warmly 
approved.  There  was  one  little  difficulty,  however:  it  was 
about  the  formula  of  baptism.  In  Iroquois  there  is  no  ex- 
pression corresponding  to  the  Latin,  in  nomine;  so,  after 
learning  the  Latin  form,  he  set  out  with  the  rest  of  the 
braves.  They  reached  the  Illinois  country,  and  when  the 
fight  was  on,  our  brave  fellow  was  always  seen  in  the  place 
of  danger,  but  never  killing  or  scalping  or  making  prisoners. 
He  was  running  hither  and  thither,  wherever  he  saw  any 
children.  He  had,  moreover,  exacted  a  promise  from  the 
warriors  to  tell  him  when  they  were  going  to  kill  any  one 
they  had  captured,  and  he  seized  the  few  intervening  mo- 
ments to  instruct  the  victim.  He  sought  out  the  wounded, 
Illinois  and  Iroquois  alike,  and  appealed  to  them  to  be- 
come Christians.  That  was  his  only  thought.  Some  of 
his  comrades  reported  that  they  saw  him  baptize  as  many  as 
ten  children  in  one  of  the  forays.  The  warriors  came  back 
but  he  was  not  with  them.  He  was  killed  by  the  Illinois 
when  he  was  out  hunting.  New  York  may  well  be  proud 
of  such  an  aboriginal  Christian. 

One  of  the  most. remarkable  of  the  Ossernenon  Indians 
was  the  famous  chief  known  as  "  The  Great  Mohawk," 

287 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

dubbed  by  the  Dutchmen  "  Kryn."  His  wife  had  become 
a  Christian,  and  in  a  towering  rage  he  left  her  and  went 
away,  scarcely  knowing  whither.  Providence  directed  his 
steps  to  Caughnawaga,  where  he  saw  his  old  friends  of  the 
warpath  transformed  into  fervent  Christians.  He  re- 
mained with  them  during  winter,  and  one  morning  Father 
Boniface  heard  the  shout  of  Kryn,  who  was  approaching  the 
town.  His  people  hastened  to  meet  him.  He  was  no 
longer  a  pagan,  and  he  told  them  he  had  left  Ossernenon 
forever.  So  earnest  was  his  appeal  for  a  reformation  of 
life  that  when  he  turned  his  back  on  his  home  forty  men  and 
women  followed  him  on  the  trail  to  Montreal.  Father 
Boniface,  who  was  then  approaching  his  end,  went  with 
them.  Fremin  made  Kryn  a  chief  in  Caughnawaga.  He 
accepted  the  position  and  no  one  dared  to  dispute  his  au- 
thority, though  he  enforced  good  behavior  with  a  heavy 
hand.  Very  frequently,  also,  he  made  apostolic  excursions, 
not  only  among  the  Mohawks,  but  preached  the  faith  to 
other  tribes.  When  war  was  proclaimed  by  Frontenac, 
Kryn  led  his  Iroquois  down  into  their  old  home.  It  was  he 
who  was  in  command  of  the  savage  contingent  in  the  attack 
on  Schenectady,  and  we  find  in  an  "  Account  of  Remark- 
able Occurrences  in  Canada,"  by  M.  de  Monseignat,  Comp- 
troller General  of  the  Marine  in  Canada,  a  very  flattering 
description  of  our  great  Indian.  The  French  had  origin- 
ally intended  to  attack  Albany,  but  Kryn  denounced  it  as 
madness.  When  they  came  to  the  parting  of  the  ways, 
where  one  road  led  to  Corlar  (Schenectady),  the  other  to 
Fort  Orange,  the  Indians,  without  more  ado,  started  for 
the  former  and  the  French  followed.  Nine  days  elapsed 
before  they  arrived  at  the  town.  During  part  of  the  time 
they  were  obliged  to  march  up  to  their  knees  in  water  and 
to  break  the  ice  with  their  feet  before  they  found  a  solid 
footing.  "  They  arrived  within  two  leagues  of  Corlar,"  says 
the  Account,  "  about  four  o'clock  in  the  evening,  and  were 
harangued  by  The  Great  Mohawk.  He  urged  on  them  all 

288 


FRANCIS    BONIFACE. 

to  perform  their  duty  and  to  lose  all  recollections  of  their 
fatigue  in  the  hope  of  taking  ample  revenge  for  the  injuries 
they  had  received  from  the  Iroquois,  at  the  solicitation  of 
the  English,  and  of  washing  them  out  in  the  blood  of 
traitors.  This  savage  was,  without  contradiction,  the  most 
considerable  of  his  tribe,  an  honest  man,  as  intelligent, 
prudent  and  generous  as  it  was  possible  to  be,  and  capable 
of  the  grandest  undertakings."  Poor  Kryn  lost  his  life 
in  that  attack. 

He  was  a  relative  of  the  pious  Skandegorhaksen,  and  was 
with  him  on  the.  last  hunt  when  the  young  brave  was  taken 
ill.  Kryn  carried  him  on  his  back  to  the  settlement,  en- 
couraging him  as  they  journeyed  painfully  along,  but  listen- 
ing with  delight  to  the  fervent  words  of  the  sufferer.  Kryn 
told  it  all  when  they  reached  home,  and  repeated  his  praises 
when  they  were  laying  the  beloved  dead  in  his  grave. 

Ossernenon  sent  many  such  to  Caughnawaga,  and  de- 
serves all  the  credit  for  the  good  example  they  gave.  Un- 
fortunately, in  an  economic  point  of  view,  the  village  suf- 
fered in  consequence;  for  their  religion  was  exiling  them 
from  their  country;  a  penalty  it  often  entails.  As  many 
as  a  hundred  went  in  a  single  year.  The  priests  could  not 
very  well  prevent  it;  in  fact  they  saw  many  advantages  in 
the  migration,  and  when  reproached  with  causing  the  de- 
population of  the  villages,  they  replied  that  it  was  not  re- 
ligion, but  vice  and  war  with  their  train  of  destructive  mal- 
adies and  want  that  caused  the  ruin.  "  Become  Christians," 
they  said,  "  and  your  tribe  will  prosper." 

On  the  other  hand,  there  may  have  been  a  homesickness 
in  this  flitting  of  the  Mohawks.  They  originally  came  from 
the  St.  Lawrence.  According  to  Beauchamp,  "  this  peo- 
ple of  the  flint,  who  were  called  Maquas  by  the  Dutch,  and 
Mohawks  by  the  English,  were  probably  the  inhabitants  of 
Montreal  (Hochelaga),  whom  Cartier  found  in  1535.  The 
name  Canada,  then  first  used  by  the  French,  is  a  Mohawk 
word."  Their  own  tradition  points  to  the  St.  Lawrence 
as  the  place  of  their  origin. 
19  289 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

It  must  not  be  inferred,  however,  that  there  were  no 
Christians  left  in  Ossernenon.  On  the  contrary,  a  strong 
and  fervent  congregation  remained  there  till  the  end  of  the 
missions,  and  fulfilled  their  obligations  long  after  the  priests 
were  expelled,  just  as  the  Abenakis  did  up  on  the  Kennebec. 

We  find  a  confirmation  of  this  in  a  curious  letter  written 
by  "  The  Rev.  Peter  Van  Driessen  to  the  Very  Rev.  and 
Pious  and  Highly  Learned  Gentlemen,  The  Messrs.  John 
Noordbeek,  and  Leonard  Beels,  Faithful  Ministers  of  the 
Gospel  at  Amsterdam."  He  addresses  them  as  High  Rev. 
sirs.  The  letter  is  found  in  the  Documentary  History  of 
New  York. 

The  testimony  is  all  the  more  valuable,  as  we  find  this 
Reverend  Peter  asking  the  "  High  and  Rev.  Sirs  to  forward 
his  petition  with  all  submission  to  the  Rev.  Bishop  of  Lon- 
don, with  my  humble  request  that  you  would  recommend 
me  alone  for  some  salary  because  of  my  labors  among  the 
Indians,  from  that  renowned  English  Society  for  Prop- 
agating the  Gospel.  But  the  building  of  churches  must 
not  be  mentioned  to  the  Bishop  as  the  Indians  are  immovably 
attached  to  us  Dutch." 

He  then  goes  on  to  say :  "  It  is  indeed  true  that  the  en- 
lightening spirit  of  Christ  has  now  for  some  time  past  oper- 
ated so  powerfully  among  these  blind  Indians  that  they  have 
become  very  zealous  in  their  attention  to  prayers,  catechet- 
ical exercises  and  singing  of  Psalms.  The  neighboring 
Christians,  living  near  their  castles,  from  time  to  time  give 
us  assurance  of  this.  They  even  hold  up  these  proselytes  as 
examples  to  their  families  in  order  to  arouse  their  children 
thereby." 

Whence  did  this  zeal  of  the  Mohawk  Indians  for  religious 
instruction  come?  It  is  almost  superfluous  to  say  that  it  is 
not  to  be  ascribed  to  the  efforts  of  the  Protestant  parsons 
who  succeeded  the  Jesuits  in  those  fields  of  missionary  work. 
A  glance  at  the  fourth  volume  of  The  Documentary  History 
of  the  State  of  New  York  will  be  sufficient  to  help  us  to  ar- 

290 


FRANCIS    BONIFACE. 

rive  at  that  conclusion.  It  teems  with  letters  of  the  min- 
isters of  various  sects,  all  of  them  addressed  to  Sir  William 
Johnson,  and  all  discussing  the  Indian  question.  The  corre- 
spondents themselves  are  not  numerous,  but  their  letters  are, 
and  we  are  forced  to  conclude  that  whatever  virtues  Sir  Wil- 
liam may  have  lacked,  he  certainly  possessed  patience  in 
abundance. 

It  must  be  remembered  that  these  anxious  parsons  never 
went  near  the  Indians.  Old  Dominie  Dellius,  himself,  who 
was  the  first  one  appointed  by  the  Government  after  the 
destruction  of  the  missions,  remained  at  Fort  Orange,  and 
if  a  squaw  wanted  her  papoose  baptized  she  brought  it  down 
there.  It  is  even  a  question  if  the  good  Dominie  knew  any- 
thing of  the  language  of  the  Indians.  He  had,  as  we  know, 
a  bad  reputation  as  a  land-grabber,  and  Lord  Bellomont, 
rightly  or  wrongly,  finally  drove  him  out  of  the  country; 
though,  of  course,  one  is  not  obliged  to  believe  all  that  Bell- 
omont was  moved  to  say  about  his  enemies.  His  triumph 
over  the  Dominie  is  only  referred  to  here  in  order  to  show 
that  the  parson  was  not  worrying  excessively  about  his 
red  men. 

Nor,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  were  any  of  the  other  ministers. 
Thus  a  certain  Thoroughgood  Moore  belied  his  name  by 
waiting  a  whole  year  in  Albany  before  beginning  his  work 
at  Schoharie,  and  finally  he  abandoned  the  task  altogether. 
The  ministers  found  the  work  too  much  for  them.  They 
could  not  abide  the  hardships  of  real  missionary  life.  Nor 
would  they  essay  it  even  when  it  was  made  luxurious. 
Thus,  when  Bellomont  memorialized  the  Board  of  Trade 
"  for  ministers  to  instruct  the  Five  Nations  and  prevent 
them  from  the  approaches  of  the  French  priests  and  Jesuits, 
and  insisted  that  they  should  be  men  of  sober  and  exemplary 
lives  and  good  scholars,  else  they  will  not  be  able  to  instruct 
the  Indians  and  encounter  the  Jesuits  in  point  of  argument," 
he  also  asked  for  each  minister  "  a  salary  of  £100  a  year,  a 
very  considerable  sum  for  that  period — besides  £20  each  to 

291 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

furnish  their  house,  and  ten  or  fifteen  pounds  for  books,  as 
well  as  small  presents  to  the  value  of  ten  pounds  a  year,  by 
which  they  may  retain  the  good  will  of  the  Indians."  They 
are  to  have,  also,  a  house  and  chapel  at  each  castle  which  by 
computation  may  cost  sixty  or  eighty  pounds  a  piece."  In 
this  memorial  we  find  a  most  singular  provision,  viz:  that 
the  house  and  chapel  are  to  be  "  stockaded  round  "  to  de- 
fend them  against  the  people  they  are  going  to  evangelize. 
The  ministers  are  also  to  have  two  servants  to  attend  them. 
John  Chamberlayn,  Esq.,  who  protests  against  such  an  out- 
lay, writes  to  the  Lords  of  Trade  that  "  in  addition,  several 
other  items  swell  the  account  so  considerably  that  it  can 
hardly  be  compassed  by  any  but  a  royal  purse. 

In  spite  of  this  generous  plan,  to  which  was  added 
a  promise  of  a  benefice  in  England  after  a  few  years  of  work 
in  the  Indian  missions,  very  few  were  tempted  to  offer 
themselves. 

In  the  Documents  we  find  a  very  valuable  memoir  of  The 
Last  Missionary  of  the  Mohawks,  which  shows  that  all  the 
good  qualities  which  were  found  in  the  few  remnants  of 
the  old  Mohawks  left  in  New  York  in  prerevolutionary 
times  after  the  Catholic  missions  were  destroyed,  must  be 
attributed  to  the"  faith  planted  by  the  old  Catholic  teachers 
of  the  Gospel. 

The  Memoir  is  by  a  Protestant  minister,  it  begins  by  say- 
ing that  "  the  conversion  and  civilization  of  the  American 
Indians  engaged  the  attention  of  Europeans  as  far  back  as 
1642,  when  Father  Jogues  laid  down  his  life  on  the  Mohawk 
River  for  the  Gospel.  The  Dutch,  who  first  colonized  these 
parts,  did  not  give  the  subject  much  consideration.  The 
clergy  at  the  Manhattans  succeeded  in  teaching  one  young 
savage  the  prayers  so  that  he  could  repeat  the  responses  in 
church  and  could  also  read  and  write  well.  He  was  then 
furnished  with  a  Bible  and  sent  to  evangelize  the  heathen. 
But  he  pawned  the  book  for  brandy,  became  a  thorough 
beast  and  did  more  harm  than  good." 

292 


FRANCIS    BONIFACE. 

"  The  Government  of  New  York  (the  English)  did  not 
make  any  effort  to  Christianize  the  Five  Nations  further 
than  to  pay  for  some  time  a  small  salary  to  the  clergyman 
at  Albany  to  attend  to  the  wants  of  such  Indians  as  might 
apply  to  him."  The  Rev.  Mr.  Freeman  translated  some  of 
the  liturgy  and  passages  of  the  Old  and  New  Testament, 
but  those  who  professed  to  be  Christians  in  1710  are  rep- 
resented as  "so  ignorant  and  scandalous  they  can  scarcely 
be  reputed  as  Christians."  In  1712,  Mr.  Andrews  built  a 
chapel  at  the  mouth  of  the  Schoharie,  but  soon  abandoned 
the  place,  so  was  he  the  last  that  resided  among  them  for  a 
great  many  years;  the  Society  for  Propagation  of  the  Gospel, 
which  sent  him  out,  contenting  itself  with  paying  a  small 
stipend  to  the  clergyman  at  Albany  to  act  as  missionary  to 
the  Mohawks.  In  which  capacity  he  did  them  very  little 
good." 

In  1748,  three  ministers  visited  successively  the  tribes  on 
the  Mohawk  and  Susquehanna.  These  efforts  were  inter- 
rupted by  the  French  war,  and  not  resumed  till  1761,  when 
the  Rev.  Dr.  Wheelock  endeavored  to  reclaim  the  natives 
from  savage  life  by  introducing  Indians  among  them  as 
missionaries  and  teachers.  Dr.  Wheelock  himself  says : 
"  I  succeeded  in  educating  40,  but  I  don't  hear  of  more  than 
half  who  have  preserved  their  characters  unstained,  either 
by  a  course  of  intemperance  or  uncleanness,  and  some  who 
bid  fairest  for  usefulness  have  sunk  down  into  as  low,  savage, 
and  brutish  a  manner  of  living  as  they  were  in  before ;  and 
there  are  some  of  whom  I  entertained  the  hope  that  they 
were  really  subjects  of  God's  grace,  who  have  not  wholly 
kept  their  garments  unspotted  among  the  pots.  Six  of  these 
who  did  preserve  a  good  character  are  now  dead." 

The  last  Anglican  missionary  among  the  Mohawks  was 
Rev.  John  Stuart,  whose  father  was  a  Presbyterian,  of 
Omagh  (Armagh),  Ireland.  He  established  himself  at 
Fort  Hunter,  in  1770,  but  not  till  1774  was  he  able  to  con- 
verse with  his  flock,  and  "  for  lack  of  an  interpreter  he 

293 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

found  great  difficulty  in  conveying  to  them  any  distinct  ideas 
on  divine  subjects,  for  which  cause  he  could  but  seldom 
preach  to  them.  As  he  left,  a  year  or  so  after,  he  certainly 
exerted  very  little  influence.  Service  was  read  at  Canajo- 
harie  by  Paulus  Sahonwandi,  an  Indian  schoolmaster,  and 
some  idea  may  be  conveyed  of  the  difficulty  of  imparting  ele- 
mentary instruction  to  the  pupils,  from  the  fact  the  teacher 
had  no  books  and  had  to  teach  the  alphabet,  etc.,  by  means 
only  of  little  manuscript  scraps  of  paper.  We  have  a  list 
of  the  Indian  pupils  in  the  school  at  Fort  Hunter  in  1769, 
when  Dr.  Stuart  arrived.  They  number  30,  but  from  what 
is  reported  of  the  educational  facilities  afforded  one  may  be 
excused  from  taking  them  into  consideration.  In  1775  the 
Revolutionary  war  began,  and  as  Mr.  Stuart  was  a  Tory 
he  was  compelled  to  withdraw.  Later  on  we  find  him  at 
Cataroqui,  in  Canada,  where  the  de  Lambervilles  had  la- 
bored a  hundred  years  before  him.  That  was  all  the  Eng- 
lish Church  did  for  the  Mohawks. 

Besides  this  apathy  and  unconcern,  we  find  as  we  turn 
over  the  records  of  those  days  nothing  but  dissensions,  first 
between  the  Dutch  and  English,  and  then  between  the  va- 
rious sects  of  the  latter.  Thus  the  Rev.  John  Jacob  Oel 
writes  in  Holland-English  to  Sir  William  Johnson  to  com- 
plain of  "  the  Bostoniers  who  in  every  Castle  by  choosing 
uyt  two  Jung  boys  for  to  be  sent  in  nieu  engelland  to  be  in- 
structed there.  Now  learning  is  good,  en  is  most  necessary 
among  the  haddens ;  that  cannot  be  contradicted,  but  y  want 
to  know  what  design  it  is  to  introduce  their  own  Presbyteren 
Church;  that  can  it  not  be  allowed,  en  as  it  prejudice  our 
Church  en  Church  ceremonies ;  en  y  must  maintain  and  will 
maintain  the  Church  of  our  Church  so  lang  y  can,  en  math 
es  en  mine  little  power,  etc." 

The  English  ministers  had  their  quarrels,  also,  and  thus 
there  is  in  1766,  a  bitter  controversy  going  on  between  the 
Rev.  Mr.  Chamberlain  and  the  Rev.  Mr.  Brown,  the  former 
saying  "  it  were  best  to  keep  from  the  minds  of  the  Indians 

294 


FRANCIS    BONIFACE. 

every  notion  of  any  difference  or  distinction  between  pro- 
destant  (sic!)  Christians  lest  it  bring  into  contempt  and  neg- 
lect amongst  these  ignorant  heathens  the  whole  Christian 
system."  Later  on  Dr.  Brown  is  scored  for  trying  to  pre- 
vent the  Rev.  Hezekiah  Calvin  from  establishing  himself  at 
Fort  Hunter.  Col.  Babcock,  who  wanted  to  take  orders, 
though  he  admitted  he  was  very  much  given  to  intemper- 
ance, but  thought  he  could  reform,  denounces  "  the  Pres- 
byterians, who  are  tucking  and  squeezing  in  every  possible 
crevice  they  can,  their  missionaries  among  the  Indians,  who 
from  their  solemnity,  their  ungraceful  stiffness,  and  those 
recluse,  unsociable,  dejected  airs,  which  so  remarkably  dis- 
tinguish those  splenitic  and  frightened  enthusiasts ;  for  while 
these  are  continued,  piety  is  quite  stripped  of  its  proper 
ornaments,  and  assumes  the  habit  of  craft,  vice,  and  ill- 
nature,  and  is  enough  to  prejudice  the  Indians  against  the 
sublime  truths  of  the  Gospel."  Of  course,  the  Presbyter- 
ians retaliated  in  kind. 

It  is  rather  amusing  that  all  this  odium  theologicum  was 
referred  to  Sir  William  Johnson,  who  is  a  sort  of  a  lay  pope 
for  the  contentious  parties.  Knowing  his  character,  their  ob- 
sequiousness is  rather  to  be  regretted.  Meantime  he  does 
not  hesitate  to  tell  them  some  wholesome  truths  as,  for 
instance,  that  the  Indians  strongly  suspect  them  of  having 
more  thirst  for  land  than  thirst  for  souls,  and  are  "  dis- 
gusted with  them."  The  principal  difficulty,  apart  from 
this,  he  says,  in  writing  to  the  Rev.  Mr.  Inglis,  is  "  the  want 
of  a  thorough  knowledge  of  the  genius  and  disposition  of 
the  Indians,  and  the  proper  means  to  be  pursued.  Secondly, 
the  want  of  zeal  and  perseverance  which  has  often  rendered 
many  attempts  abortive ;  and  where  these  qualities  are  found 
united  (as  among  some  of  the  Dissenters),  the  possessors 
are  not  only  deficient  in  knowledge  and  capacity,  but  of  a 
gloomy  severity  of  manners  totally  disqualifying  them  for 
such  a  task.  Thirdly,  the  want  of  a  suitable  fund  that  may 
enable  the  few  otherwise  fitted  for  the  purpose  to  attempt  it." 

295 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

The  character  of  one  of  those  engaged  in  this  work  may 
be  seen  from  an  elaborate  letter  to  His  Excellency.  It  is 
from  the  Rev.  Mr.  Lappius,  and  might  be  consulted  as 
proving  the  truth  of  what  Sir  William  says,  that  many  of 
those  engaged  in  the  work  were  totally  unfit.  It  is  dated 
Canajoharie,  December  29,  1763.  It  is  written  in  a  most 
indescribable  jumble  of  Dutch  and  English,  and  is  taken  up 
mostly  with  requests  to  Sir  William  for  brandy  and  blankets, 
and  with  denunciations  of  the  parson's  troublesome  neigh- 
bors. Those  who  are  in  quest  of  curiosities  in  literature 
may  find  it  in  the  Documentary  History. 

We  have  gone  into  this  long  digression  merely  to  show 
the  lasting  influence  of  the  Christian  teachings  given  at 
Ossernenon  by  Father  Boniface  and  his  few  successors.  As 
a  matter  of  fact,  however,  there  were  no  Mohawks  left  to 
evangelize.  The  rum  and  powder  of  the  Dutch  and  English 
had  swept  them  from  the  face  of  the  earth.  Thus  we  find 
in  Governor  Tryon's  report,  just  prior  to  the  Revolutionary 
war  (1774),  the  following  notice  which  reads  like  an  in- 
scription on  a  tombstone : 

"  The  Mohawks,  the  first  in  rank  of  the  Six  Nation  Con- 
federacy, though  now  much  reduced  in  number,  originally 
occupied  the  country  westward  from  Albany  to  the  German 
Flats,  a  space  of  about  90  miles,  and  had  many  towns,  but 
are  now  reduced  to  two  villages  on  the  Mohawk  and  a  few 
families  at  Sclwharie,  viz :  at  Ossernenon.  The  Lower  Mo- 
hawks are  in  number  about  185,  and  the  Upper,  or  those 
of  Canojoharie,  221.  This  nation  hath  always  been  warm 
in  their  attachment  to  the  English  and  on  this  account  suf- 
fered great  loss  during  the  late  war!' 

This  was  the  last  of  the  Mohawks.  They  had  no  longer 
any  need  of  missionaries.  They  had  nearly  all  been  slain 
or  driven  to  the  Far  West. 

When  Father  Boniface  went  back  to  Quebec  in  1674,  he 
was  in  a  dying  condition.  We  are  told  that  when  he  was 
in  delirium,  the  Fathers  kneeling  round  his  bed  besought 

296 


FRANCIS    BONIFACE. 

Father  de  Brebeuf  to  restore  him  to  his  right  mind  before  he 
died,  and  that  he  recovered  immediately.  One  is  prone  to 
ask  why  they  did  not  invoke  the  aid  of  Jogues,  with  whom 
Boniface  was  so  closely  identified.  Possibly  because  Jogues 
had  already  wrought  a  miracle  in  restoring  a  sick  nun  to 
health  in  the  Hotel  Dieu.  They  needed  something  for  de 
Brebeuf 's  canonization,  but  not  for  Jogues'. 

Boniface  was  succeeded  at  Ossernenon  by  Bruyas,  who 
was  badly  treated  by  the  Dutch ;  then  James  de  Lamberville 
came,  and  finally  Vaillant  de  Gueslis  closed  his  chapel  door 
and  went  out  into  the  woods  as  the  English  troops  were  ap- 
proaching the  village. 


297 


JAMES  DE  LAMBERVILLE. 

A  LITTLE  above  the  present  town  of  Fonda,  on  the  hill- 
/*.  side  that  slopes  to  where  the  Cayudutta  Creek  be- 
comes a  cascade  and  tumbles  into  the  Mohawk,  there  is  a 
deep  recess  in  the  midst  of  a  tangle  of  vines  and  decaying 
trees  where  a  little  stream  of  water  trickles  from  the  foot  of 
a  birch  into  the  creek  below.  It  flows  from  a  source  which  the 
tradition  of  the  neighborhood  has  fixed  as  Tegakwitha's 
Spring.  There,  it  is  said,  the  Indian  girl  who  is  conspicu- 
ous in  the  history  of  the  Valley  used  to  come  to  draw  water 
for  her  wigwam ;  a  difficult  operation,  even  for  a  sure-footed 
savage,  but  next  to  impossible  for  a  half-blind  girl  like 
Tegakwitha.  Perhaps  it  is  only  a  popular  fancy. 

The  basis  of  this  tradition  is  the  belief  that  the  Indian 
town  of  Gandaouage  in  which  Tegakwitha  lived,  was  al- 
together or  in  part  near  the  present  town  of  Fonda.  This 
conviction  is  fortified,  if  indeed  it  was  not  created,  by  the 
statement  of  a  certain  Wentworth  Greenhalgh  who  made  a 
journey  up  the  valley  of  the  Mohawk,  in  1677,  and  who 
said  that  he  found  all  the  Mohawk  villages  on  the  north 
side  of  the  river.  His  Report  is  embodied  in  the  Docu- 
mentary History  of  New  York;  but  who  Greenhalgh  is,  it 
is  hard  to  make  out.  A  diligent  search  through  all  the  great 
libraries,  and  inquiries  from  eminent  authorities,  have  failed 
to  reveal  anything  of  his  identity  except  that  he  was  a  fur- 
trader  living  at  Albany.  There  is  is  no  record  of  his  having 
written  anything  else.  His  statement,  however,  seems  to 
have  been  accepted,  not  as  being  conclusive,  but  as  afford- 
ing a  certain  amount  of  probability,  and  no  more. 

Morgan,  in  his  great  work  of  The  League  of  the  Iroquois, 
also  locates  Gandaouage  at  Fonda,  but  as  the  editor  of  the 
work,  Mr.  Lloyd,  is  continually  calling  attention  to  errors 
made  by  the  author,  and  as  he  especially  notes  some  serious 

298 


JAMES   DE  LAMBERVILLE. 

geographical  misstatements  about  the  very  territory  around 
Fonda,  his  opinion  is  necessarily  deprived  of  the  weight  it 
might  otherwise  have. 

The  real  authority  in  the  matter  is,  of  course,  that  of  Gen- 
eral Clark,  who  wrote  to  the  author  of  The  Lily  of  the  Mo- 
hawk as  far  back  as  1885,  that  "  Greenhalgh's  description 
gives  sufficient  facts  to  warrant  a  reasonable  probability  as  to 
the  locations  of  the  four  principal  castles  at  that  date,  but  it 
is  not  absolutely  certain."  Many  years  afterwards  the  same 
great  authority  wrote :  "  The  frequent  changes  of  the  Mo- 
hawk villages  and  the  method  of  changing  makes  it  impos- 
sible to  decide  with  certainty  questions  about  their  exact  lo- 
cality. The  changes  were  frequently  made  gradually  from 
year  to  year;  the  same  village  having  two  distinct  positions 
at  the  same  time,  sometimes  for  a  year  or  two  and  sometimes 
for  three  years.  The  Fathers  could  not  well  take  note  of 
such  changes,  and  may  have  given  the  same  name  to  different 
sections  of  the  village,  though  three  or  four  miles  apart. 
Sometimes  a  fact  may  be  mentioned  that  makes  the  location 
of  a  certain  event  absolutely  certain,  but  usually  there  is  an 
element  of  uncertainty." 

The  large-minded  tolerance  of  this  distinguished  inves- 
tigator, who  has  studied  the  Valley  for  fifty  years,  and  who 
still  refuses  to  pronounce  positively,  is  the  only  reason  why 
any  mention  is  made  of  suggestions  in  support  of  an  op- 
posite view.  They  are  advanced  merely  as  a  matter  of  in- 
formation. 

They  are,  first:  Gandaouage  was  certainly  on  the  south 
side  of  the  Mohawk  in  1667.  Father  Chauchetiere,  Tegak- 
witha's  confessor  in  Canada,  writes  that  after  de  Tracy's 
raid  in  1666  "  the  Agniers  immediately  came,  and  con- 
structed their  old  villages,  but  Gandaouage  was  rebuilt  it 
half  a  league  from  the  old  one."  Then  referring  to  the 
arrival  of  the  missionaries,  Bruyas  and  Fremin,  in  1667,  he 
says :  "  As  we  have  already  stated,  the  village  of  Gan- 
daouage, where  Catherine  lived,  was  quite  near  the  old 

299 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

village  where  Father  Jogues  so  heroically  suffered  during 
thirteen  months  of  his  captivity." 

Secondly,  Fiske,  in  his  Dutch  and  Quaker  Colonies  (vii, 
p  55),  informs  us  that  eight  years  later,  namely  "  in  1675, 
Governor  Andros  found  the  first  Mohawk  Castle  on  the 
west  bank  of  the  Schoharie,"  and  consequently  on  the  south 
side  of  the  Mohawk. 

Thirdly,  in  Vol.  LX,  of  the  Relations,  there  is  a  letter 
from  Father  James  de  Lamberville,  who  baptized  Tegak- 
witha.  It  is  dated  "  Gandaouage,  May  6,  1676."  He  is 
writing  about  a  sick  Indian,  and  says :  "  His  conversion 
was  a  special  effect  of  grace  and  a  particular  favor  from 
Father  Isaac  Jogues,  who  shed  his  blood  here,  in 
God's  cause,  and  who  was  massacred  here  by  the  bar- 
barians." 

It  is  true  that  the  original  place  might  have  been  alto- 
gether abandoned  and  the  name  given  to  a  village  on  the 
other  side  of  the  river,  but  it  would  be  difficult  to  conceive 
that  of  Gandaouage,  which  was  from  the  beginning  con- 
sidered to  be  a  sanctuary.  The  Relations,  one  should  fancy, 
would  certainly  have  noted  it. 

There  remains  the  other  supposition,  viz :  that  there  were 
two  sections  of  Gandaouage,  the  old  and  the  new.  In  such 
an  event,  the  question  would  still  remain,  in  which  one  did 
Tegakwitha  live?  Perhaps  she  lived  in  both.  We  shall 
have  to  imitate  the  wisdom  of  General  Clark,  who  says : 
"  I  made  up  my  mind  many  years  ago  that  Jogues  suffered 
death  at  Ossernenon,  and  that  Tegakwatha  lived  at  Gan- 
daouage." The  locality  of  the  first  has  been  settled  beyond 
peradventure  by  this  devoted  friend  of  the  missionaries; 
the  second  still  has  an  element  of  uncertainty  in  it. 

The  missionary  most  identified  with  Gandaouage  was 
James  de  Lamberville,  the  younger  brother  of  the  illus- 
trious John  de  Lamberville,  the  apostle  of  the  Onondagas. 
He  was  born  at  Rouen,  in  1641,  and  became  a  Jesuit  at  the 
age  of  twenty.  Fourteen  years  later  he  set  out  for  Canada, 

300 


JAMES   DE  LAMBERVILLE. 

and  from  that  till  his  death  he  was  laboring  in  or  for  the 
New  York  missions. 

Bruyas  and  Fremin  were  the  first  to  arrive,  after  de 
Tracy's  expedition  in  1666.  They  remained  only  a  day  or 
so,  but  singularly  enough  enjoyed  the  hospitality  of  the 
uncle  of  Tegakwitha.  He  admitted  them  to  his  lodge, 
though  he  was  hostile  to  their  faith.  Father  Boniface  es- 
tablished the  first  permanent  mission  there,  and  when  his 
health  gave  out,  the  indefatigable  Bruyas  took  his  place. 
Finally,  came  James  de  Lamberville,  who  had  the  happiness 
of  finding  and  baptizing  a  saint,  the  famous  Tegakwitha. 

She  was  the  daughter  of  an  Algonquin  Christian  woman 
who  had  been  captured  near  Three  Rivers,  and  had  been 
affiliated  to  the  Mohawk  tribe.  Shortly  after  the  birth  oi 
her  daughter  she  died,  and  the  father  also  disappeared, 
killed,  no  doubt,  on  the  warpath.  The  child  was  then  taken 
care  of  by  her  uncle.  When  Bruyas  and  Fremin  arrived, 
in  1667,  she  was  about  nine  or  ten  years  old.  She  was  very 
sickly,  and  smallpox  had  deeply  pitted  her  face.  Besides 
disfiguring  her,  it  had  also  impaired  her  sight,  and  on  that 
account  she  rarely  left  her  cabin,  and  when  outside  she  kept 
her  eyes  partially  covered  to  shield  them  against  the  glare  of 
the  sunlight.  She  was  like  a  veiled  and  cloistered  nun.  Her 
appearance  was  quite  the  reverse  of  the  stately  Indian  prin- 
cess, as  the  sculptor  has  represented  her  in  the  statue  at  Dun- 
woodie. 

It  is  very  remarkable  that  this  wonderful  child  escaped  the 
notice  of  such  hunters  of  souls  as  Bruyas  and  Boniface.  Pos- 
sibly the  ill-feeling  of  her  uncle  and  the  general  irritation  of 
the  village  about  the  withdrawal  of  so  many  of  the  converts 
to  Canada,  and,  perhaps,  Tegakwitha's  own  shyness,  pre- 
vented her  from  approaching  the  priest.  She  was  about 
eighteen  or  nineteen  years  of  age  when  de  Lamberville  took 
charge  of  the  mission,  and  he  discovered  her  by  the  merest 
accident. 

Going  his  rounds  one  day  from  cabin  to  cabin,  he  arrived 

301 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

at  Tegakwitha's.  She  had  been  disabled  by  an  accident  to 
her  foot,  and  was  unable  to  go  out  to  work  in  the  fields  with 
the  other  women.  The  priest  was  quite  unprepared  for  what 
happened.  He  discovered,  to  his  amazement,  that  from 
childhood  she  had  been  longing  to  be  a  Christian.  She  had 
even  dreamed  of  becoming  a  nun  in  Canada.  Her  habits  of 
seclusion  and  her  natural  propensity  had  kept  her  from  the 
degrading  amusements  of  the  village,  and  her  disfigurement 
had  been  a  protection  against  the  advances  of  suitors;  and 
so  she  had  grown  up  through  her  childhood  in  absolute 
purity  of  soul.  She  was  already  the  Lily  of  the  Mohawk. 

Quite  taken  aback  at  this  revelation,  the  priest  lost  no  time 
in  instructing  her  in  the  faith,  but  with  the  caution  that  char- 
acterized the  methods  of  those  old  missionaries,  he  was  in 
no  haste  to  baptize  her.  In  fact,  in  the  light  of  subsequent 
events,  he  would  appear  unaccountably  slow.  Month  after 
month  went  by,  the  neophyte  grasping  his  explanations  with 
a  facility  and  intelligence  which  could  only  be  explained  by 
the  exquisite  purity  of  her  soul.  Finally,  she  was  publicly 
baptized,  with  great  solemnity,  and  took  the  name  of  Cath- 
erine. 

Her  profession  of  faith  raised  a  storm.  Persecution  of 
all  kinds  began.  The  anger  of  her  uncle  displayed  itself  in 
ill-usage  and  abuse,  and  on  one  occasion  he  sent  a  young 
brave  to  her  cabin  who  threatened  to  kill  her.  Efforts  were 
made  to  compel  her  to  marry,  and  both  her  virtue  and  repu- 
tation were  assailed.  These  trials  continued  during  two 
years  without  disturbing  the  tranquillity  of  her  soul. 

One  day  three  warriors  came  to  the  village.  They  were 
all  converts  to  the  faith.  One  was  the  famous  Oneida  Chief, 
Hot  Ashes;  another,  an  extraordinarily  holy  Huron  from 
Lorette,  and  the  third,  Tegakwitha's  brother-in-law;  he  had 
married  her  adopted  sister.  They  had  come  down  to  the 
Mohawk  from  Canada  to  preach  against  intemperance  and 
to  explain  the  doctrines  of  Christianity.  No  doubt  they 
had  heard  from  the  brother-in-law  of  Tegakwitha's  trials. 

302 


TEGAKWITHA. 


JAMES   DE  LAMBERVILLE. 

On  their  arrival,  all  the  people  flocked  to  hear  them. 
Hot  Ashes  was  the  principal  speaker.  He  declaimed  fierce- 
ly against  drunkenness  and  other  vices,  and  then  proceeded 
to  enlighten  them  about  the  Faith.  De  Lamberville 
listened  with  rapture  to  their  discourse  and  wondered  if 
their  visit  would  result  in  Tegakwitha  going  to  Canada 
with  them. 

More  than  likely  they  had  that  in  view,  and  they  entered 
into  the  scheme  the  more  willingly  as  they  were  told  that 
her  aunts  were  not  averse  to  her  going.  The  occasion, 
moreover,  was  propitious,  as  the  uncle  had  gone  down  to 
the  "  Flamants,"  at  Fort  Orange.  So  they  carefully  made 
their  preparations.  While  Hot  Ashes  tramped  off  to 
Oneida,  the  other  two  secretly  stowed  Tegakwitha  away  in 
the  canoe,  and  slipped  down  the  stream. 

They  had  not  been  gone  long  when  Tegakwitha's  cabin 
was  found  to  be  empty,  and  runners  started  down  to  Fort 
Orange  to  inform  the  uncle.  In  a  great  rage  he  loaded  his 
musket  with  an  extra  charge  of  bullets  and  proceeded  up 
the  river  to  intercept  the  fugitives.  But  they,  knowing  the 
ways  of  the  savage,  hid  their  canoe  in  the  bushes  and  waited 
for  him  to  pass. 

They  were  near  Albany  by  this  time,  and  the  brother-in- 
law  proposed  to  go  down  to  the  Fort  to  procure  provisions 
for  the  journey.  He  was  hardly  out  of  his  concealment 
when  he  espied  the  uncle  coming  up  the  stream.  Too  late 
to  draw  back,  he  coolly  faced  the  enemy,  and  after  exchang- 
ing a  few  words,  both  proceeded  on  their  way ;  the  old  man 
suspecting  nothing.  The  other  reached  the  Fort,  procured 
his  provisions,  and  returned  to  laugh  over  his  adventure. 
All  three  then  hurried  away  to  the  north. 

But  the  danger  was  not  yet  over.  On  reaching  the  vil- 
lage, the  uncle  found  the  news  to  be  only  too  true,  and  he 
started  across  the  country  after  the  runaways.  They,  of 
course,  were  on  the  alert.  One  of  them  lagged  behind,  and 
as  soon  as  the  uncle  came  in  sight,  the  report  of  a  musket 

303 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

gave  Tegakwitha  the  signal,  and  she  plunged  into  the  bushes. 
The  two  braves  made  no  effort  to  avoid  the  old  man. 
Coming  up  to  them  he  found  one  still  engaged  in  shooting, 
and  the  other  stretched  out  on  the  ground  smoking.  In  a 
towering  rage  he  asked  for  Tegakwitha.  She  was  only  a 
few  feet  from  him,  and  would  have  been  brained  if  a  move- 
ment had  betrayed  her  presence.  Her  protectors  answered 
calmly  that  they  had  seen  her  at  Gandaouage  a  few  days 
before,  and  that  she  was  well.  Again  deceived,  he  with- 
drew, possibly  thinking  that  she  had  gone  off  in  the  opposite 
direction  with  Hot  Ashes. 

They  were  then  four  days'  journey  from  Lake  George. 
Fortunately  they  found  a  canoe  on  the  shore,  so  that  a  delay 
of  two  or  three  days,  which  might  have  been  fatal,  was 
avoided.  Thanking  God  for  the  discovery,  they  launched 
out  on  the  Lake,  and  singing  hymns  and  reciting  prayers, 
they  made  their  way  to  Montreal.  For  Tegakwitha  it  was 
like  going  to  Paradise. 

The  name  Catherine  was  already  in  benediction  at  Caugh- 
nawaga.  The  Erie  squaw,  Ganneaktena,  whom  Father 
Bruyas  had  converted  in  Oneida,  had  made  it  synonymous 
in  the  settlement  with  every  Christian  virtue.  She  had 
come  to  Montreal  with  her  husband,  over  whose  fierce  tem- 
per she  exercised  a  marvellous  control,  and  had  induced  him 
to  make  his  home  in  the  new  establishment  which  Father 
Raffeix  was  then  beginning  at  La  Prairie,  further  down  the 
river.  She  was  the  saint  of  the  mission,  for  her  piety, 
purity,  charity,  and  patience,  and  had  won  the  most  ardent 
affection  of  all  the  Indians  there.  She  was  a  devoted 
mother  for  them  all.  She  died  in  1673,  and  Catherine 
Tegakwitha's  arrival  in  1677  revived  the  name  with  which 
the  idea  of  great  holiness  was  associated. 

There  was  in  the  settlement  at  that  time  another  woman, 
named  Anastasia,  who  had  known  Catherine  at  Gandaouage, 
and  was  a  friend  of  her  dead  mother.  They  became  insep- 
arable companions,  Anastasia  acting  as  teacher,  and  so  win- 

304 


JAMES   DE  LAMBERVILLE. 

ning  the  confidence  of  the  neophyte  that  it  was  through  her 
that  Father  Chauchetiere  learned  all  the  secrets  of  the  child's 
soul,  and  was  thus  able  to  compose  the  exquisite  story  which 
he  has  left  us,  in  quaint  old  French,  of  her  marvellous 
growth  in  the  spiritual  life. 

There  was  also  a  third  woman,  of  quite  another  kind,  asso- 
ciated with  these  two.  She  was  an  Oneida,  and  was  called 
Marie  Therese,  and  her  experiences  furnish  as  wonderful 
an  example  of  the  mercy  of  God  as  we  can  find  in  the  Lives 
of  the  Saints.  After  being  baptized  in  her  native  village, 
she  fell  away  from  the  practice  of  virtue  and  took  to  drink. 

Late  one  autumn  she  went  out  to  hunt  with  a  party  of 
twelve  persons.  They  were  far  up  the  Ottawa,  and  had 
been  unsuccessful.  Hunger  overtook  them  and  they  began 
to  consider  if  they  should  not  kill  and  eat  an  old  man  who 
was  with  them.  Marie  Therese  was  the  only  Christian 
among  them,  and  they  consulted  her  as  to  what  the  Chris- 
tian law  said  on  the  subject.  The  question  startled  her. 
If  she  consented  to  the  murder,  they  might  eat  her,  and  then 
remorse  took  possession  of  her  soul.  She  began  to  regret 
that  she  had  not  confessed  her  sins  and  reformed  her  life 
before  she  had  started  out  on  the  unfortunate  expedition; 
and  she  promised  God  if  He  would  lead  her  home  that  she 
would  live  another  kind  of  life. 

They  murdered  the  old  man ;  and  then  several  others  died 
of  exhaustion,  and  the  survivors  ate  them.  They  also  de- 
voured the  decaying  carcass  of  a  wolf  which  they  found  on 
the  road.  Only  three  out  of  the  twelve  were  left,  and  half 
dead  and  looking  like  skeletons,  they  at  last  staggered  into 
an  Indian  village  near  Montreal.  Poor  Marie  Therese 
made  her  way  to  Caughnawaga  and  began  a  life  of  the 
greatest  austerity. 

Being  an  Oneida,  she  had  never  heard  of  Tegakwitha, 

who  was  a  Mohawk,  and  the  entire  winter  passed  without 

their  meeting  each  other.     Their  acquaintance  began  in  as 

picturesque  a  fashion  as  one  might  invent  for  a  novel.     It 

20  305 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

was  in  the  early  spring  time.  They  were  both  looking  at 
a  new  chapel  which  was  approaching  completion,  and  with- 
out speaking  to  each  other,  they  went  in  and  around  it  to  ex- 
amine the  construction.  At  last  Catherine  broke  the 
silence,  and  inquired  about  the  part  that  was  to  be  reserved 
for  the  women.  When  she  was  told,  she  began  to  weep 
and  to  moan  that  she  did  not  deserve  to  go  into  such  a  holy 
place;  but  should  be  thrust  outside  with  the  dogs,  for  she 
had  often  expelled  God  from  her  heart,  etc.  It  was  too 
much  for  poor  Marie  Therese,  the  penitent.  She,  too,  be- 
gan to  weep,  and  together  they  went  to  sit  down  at  the  foot 
of  a  great  cross  in  front  of  the  church  and  poured  out  their 
secrets  into  each  other's  souls,  promising  never  to  be  sepa- 
rated while  they  lived. 

These  three  women,  unknown  to  their  spiritual  guide, 
formed  a  sort  of  religious  association  in  order  to  practice 
the  most  terrible  austerities,  and  recite  long  prayers.  They 
even  thought  they  might  dress  alike,  after  the  fashion  of  the 
nuns  at  Quebec.  They  had  also  picked  out  the  place  of 
their  hermitage. 

If  you  stand  on  the  bank  of  the  river  where  Father  Wai- 
worth  has  built  a  monument  in  honor  of  Tegakwitha,  whom 
he  loved  so  much,  you  see  a  short  distance  beyond  you  an 
island  dark  and  forbidding,  with  its  dense  forests  of  pines. 
It  is  not  far  from  the  shore,  but  between  it  and  the  mainland 
roars  a  torrent,  more  angry,  it  would  seem,  than  the  great 
body  of  waters  which  flow  on  the  other  side  of  the  island, 
and  it  can  be  seen  miles  below,  lashed  into  white  foam,  as 
the  breakers  dash  down  towards  Montreal.  On  this  island 
Tegakwitha  and  her  two  companions  wanted  to  establish 
their  dwelling-place.  The  priest  forbade  it,  for  the  reason 
that  they  would  be  too  much  exposed  to  roaming  Indians. 
But  how  anyone,  savage  or  civilized,  could  approach  it  is 
a  puzzle  to  the  white  man,  even  to-day.  He  satisfied  their 
devotion  to  some  extent,  however,  by  letting  them  go  to 
mass  at  four  in  the  morning.  In  winter  they  often  tramped 

306 


JAMES   DE  LAMBERVILLE. 

through  the  snow  in  their  bare  feet,  though  the  priest  was 
not  aware  of  that,  nor  did  he  know  of  the  bloody  scourgings 
they  gave  each  other.  He  admitted  them  often  to  the  Holy 
Table,  taught  them  how  to  make  spiritual  communions,  to 
meditate,  and  the  like.  Their  scruples  and  delicacy  of  con- 
science almost  stupefied  him.  They  had  found,  moreover, 
a  little  deserted  cabin  in  a  cemetery  which  they  transformed 
into  a  sort  of  convent,  going  there  to  meditate,  to  practice 
penance,  and  especially  to  prepare  for  confession.  Tegak- 
witha  had  not  much  to  lament,  but  it  seemed  grievous 
enough  to  her  that  she  had  not  been  as  fervent  as  she  might 
have  been  since  her  conversion ;  that  she  had  not  resisted 
sufficiently  those  who  had  compelled  her  to  work  on  Sunday 
at  Gandaouage;  that  she  had  not  suffered  martyrdom  in- 
stead, and  had  not  a  great  enough  horror  for  sin,  etc. 

Even  in  Caughnawaga,  however,  although  for  her  it  was 
Paradise,  she  was  called  upon  to  suffer  what  was  worse  than 
martyrdom,  an  accusation  against  her  chastity,  made  by  an 
excellent  woman,  with  circumstantial  evidence  which  ap- 
parently convinced  the  priest  of  her  guilt.  However,  the 
clouds  cleared  away  after  a  little  while,  and  her  holiness  of 
life  shone  more  brilliantly  than  before,  though  she  was  the 
only  one  not  to  perceive  it. 

In  the  month  of  April,  1680,  she  died,  and  the  Indians  of 
Caughnawaga  have  ever  since  regarded  her  as  a  saint. 
Miracles  are  reported  to  have  been  wrought  by  her;  pilgrim- 
ages to  her  tomb  have  continued  till  this  very  day,  and 
Bishops  of  the  Councils  of  Baltimore  and  Quebec  have  asked 
for  the  canonization  of  this  representative  of  aboriginal  New 
York  Indian  maidenhood.  It  is  true  she  died  in  Canada, 
but  as  she  had  lived  two  years  on  the  Mohawk  after  her  con- 
version, and  under  Father  de  Lamberville's  direction  had 
there  made  her  first  steps  in  the  paths  of  holiness,  New  York 
has  a  right  to  claim  her.  Besides,  she  is  the  fruit  of  Father 
Jogues'  martyrdom.  She  was  born  and  lived  in  the  village 
where  he  suffered  and  was  put  to  death. 

307 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

De  Lamberville  continued  his  work  uninterruptedly  at 
Gandaouage  until  the  English  and  French  began  their  death 
struggle  for  the  possession  of  New  York.  In  1684,  he 
was  summoned  to  meet  Governor  de  la  Barre,  who  had  be- 
gun his  foolish  expedition  against  the  upper  Iroquois.  The 
invading  army  had  then  reached  Galette,  the  present  Og- 
densburg,  and  we  find  in  the  Governor's  Memoir,  under  the 
date  of  August  9th :  "  I  was  joined  by  Father  James  de 
Lamberville,  whom  I  ordered  to  go  next  day  to  his  brother 
at  Onondaga,  with  instructions  to  assure  the  tribe  that  I 
have  such  regard  for  their  request  and  for  that  of  the  two 
others  that,  provided  they  made  a  reasonable  satisfaction,  I 
preferred  to  entertain  their  petition  than  to  go  to  war."  On 
the  17th  of  August,  John  wrote  from  Onondaga :  "  Your 
people  brought  my  brother  here  with  the  greatest  speed  they 
could.  He  arrived  here  with  the  Sieur  Le  Due,  at  mid- 
night, and  having  passed  all  the  time  till  morning  in  dis- 
cussing matters,  we  assembled  the  sachems  and  braves  at 
daybreak.  We  declared  your  intentions  to  the  Senecas, 
who  left  that  day  to  return  to  their  people.  The  Onondagas 
have  despatched  messengers  to  Oneida,  Agnie,  and  Cayuga, 
to  go  to  Chouegen  (Oswego),  to  see  you  and  answer  your 
proposals." 

After  leaving  Galette,  de  la  Barre  arrived  at  Famine  Bay, 
which  was  four  leagues  from  the  Onondaga  River.  Mis- 
fortune overtook  him,  and  he  no  longer  talked  of  satisfac- 
tion, but  despatched  Charles  Le  Moyne  in  all  haste  to  ask  the 
de  Lambervilles  to  save  him  and  his  army  from  destruction. 

In  this  correspondence  between  John  de  Lamberville  and 
de  la  Barre,  there  is  question  of  an  Indian  named  Grosse 
Bouche,  or  Grosse  Gueule,  the  Governor's  "  Man  of  Busi- 
ness," against  whom  the  priest  warns  His  Excellency  to  be 
on  his  guard ;  advising  him  to  reward  the  savage,  "  as  he 
is  a  venal  being  whom  you  would  do  well  to  keep  in  pay." 
In  fact,  this  Sieur  Grande  Gueule  pompously  called  Garan- 
gula,  is  referred  to  frequently,  and  we  discover  him  sub- 

308 


JAMES   DE  LAMBERVILLE. 

sequently  verifying  de  Lamberville's  description.  It  was 
he  who  spoke  insolently  to  Callieres  and  demanded  the  ac- 
ceptance of  Dongan's  conditions  of  peace,  while  protesting 
that  he  had  always  been  a  friend  of  the  French.  One  asks 
in  surprise,  is  this  the  Big  Mouth  whom  Father  Chauche- 
tiere  holds  up  as  one  of  the  models  of  Caughnawaga,  the  fa- 
mous husband  of  Catherine  Ganneaktena,  who  rejoiced  in 
the  name  of  Francis  Xavier?  We  are  relieved  to  find  that 
Denonville's  evil  genius  lived  on  till  1695,  whereas  his  pious 
namesake  died  seven  years  before. 

It  was  in  the  time  that  elapsed  between  the  failure  of  de 
la  Barre  and  the  coming  of  de  Denonville,  that  James  had 
the  happiness  of  passing  a  whole  year  with  his  brother  at 
Onondaga,  during  which  period  they  were  very  successful 
in  their  improvised  practice  of  medicine.  It  was  then,  also, 
that  James  had  a  fortunate  escape  from  death  in  their  little 
chapel,  when  a  drunken  Indian  first  shot  at  him,  and  then 
used  an  iron  bar  to  brain  him.  As  it  was  midnight  and  the 
Indian  had  been  imbibing  freely,  his  failure  to  take  aim  with 
both  instruments  is  explainable,  while  it  shows  what  a  lov- 
able flock  these  holy  men  had  to  work  upon. 

In  1686,  John  hastened  to  Quebec  to  endeavor  to  per- 
suade de  Denonville  not  to  proceed  against  the  Senecas, 
leaving  James  alone  at  Onondaga.  In  a  letter  relative  to 
this  interview,  de  Lamberville  says  very  positively,  that  the 
Governor  assured  him  in  the  most  solemn  manner  that  he 
had  no  other  purpose  in  view  than  to  make  a  treaty  with 
the  Indians.  The  horrible  treachery  is  a  matter  of  history. 

Where  was  James  while  his  brother  was  thus  being  used 
as  a  decoy?  Denonville  says  he  had  him  recalled,  leaving 
John  alone  in  Onondaga.  About  this  time  we  find  a  letter 
from  him,  written  in  a  jumble  of  Iroquois,  French,  and 
Latin,  and  addressed  to  Bruyas,  who  was  in  Montreal.  In 
it  he  says  that  "  Korlar  "  (the  usual  name  given  to  the  Gov- 
ernor of  New  York,  and  in  this  instance  referring  to  Don- 
gan),  "had  promised  black  robes  to  all  the  Indians  except 

309 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

those  of  Onondaga."  We  are  left  to  surmise  the  reason 
of  this  omission  of  the  Onondagas.  Was  he  going  to  leave 
the  de  Lambervilles  there?  James  adds,  "  Missionarii  vacate 
di  sunt  ex  Anglia  qui  erudiant  Indos.  Gubernator  scripsit 
Anglis  de  hoc."  From  Onondaga,  as  far  as  we  can  make 
out,  he  repaired  to  Fort  Cataroqui,  possibly  to  take  his 
brother's  place,  as  chaplain  for  the  140  soldiers  in  that 
scurvy-stricken  station. 

Then  his  life  becomes,  for  a  time,  uneventful.  He  is 
teaching  class  at  Quebec,  in  1688.  Very  likely  the  work 
was  uncongenial  for  a  man  who  had  been  living  for  years 
in  the  forests,  for  in  the  following  year  he  is  at  the  Indian 
settlement  at  Sault  St.  Louis,  and  three  years  afterwards  in 
the  residence  at  Montreal.  In  1701,  when  Father  Bruyas 
had  got  the  better  of  Governor  Bellomont,  and  succeeded 
in  inducing  the  Iroquois  to  recall  the  missionaries,  James 
de  Lamberville,  though  well  on  in  life,  went  back  to  his 
Onondagas.  But  it  was  only  for  a  while.  The  English, 
with  their  Dutch  adherents,  were  busy  endeavoring  to  de- 
tach the  Iroquois  from  their  allegiance  to  the  French.  By 
1709,  they  had  succeeded,  and  here  a  shadow  falls  on  the 
glory  of  the  old  missionary.  We  find  a  letter  from  M.  de 
Joncaire  to  M.  de  la  Fresniere,  the  King's  Commandant  at 
Frontenac,  dated  June  14, 1709  (Col.  Doc.  ix,  p.  838),  which 
says :  "  The  Rev.  Father  de  Lamberville  has  placed  us  in 
a  terrible  state  of  embarrassment  by  his  flight.  Yesterday 
I  was  leaving  for  Montreal  in  the  best  possible  spirits ;  now 
I  am  not  certain  if  I  shall  ever  see  you  again." 

What  was  the  matter?  Had  the  long-tried  hero  shown 
the  white  feather  at  the  last  moment?  On  the  contrary, 
he  never  faltered  for  an  instant.  Such  a  man  as  he  would 
never  leave  his  post.  The  explanation  of  his  action  is  given 
in  an  official  letter  from  Governor  Vaudreuil  to  Pontchar- 
train,  dated  some  months  later  (Col.  Doc.  ix,  p.  828),  and  is 
as  follows :  "  I  informed  you  of  Peter  Schuyler's  efforts  to  in- 
fluence the  Indians.  Sieur  de  Joncaire  would  have  thwarted 

310 


JAMES   DE  LAMBERVILLE. 

him,  but  having  been  absent  on  a  tour  to  Seneca,  whilst 
waiting  for  the  Onondagas  to  come  down  to  him,  as  they 
had  promised,  the  English  sent  Abraham  Schuyler  to  Onon- 
daga  to  sing  the  war  song  in  the  village,  and  to  present 
the  hatchet  to  the  Nations  on  the  part  of  the  Queen  of 
England.  Abraham  Schuyler  managed  so  well  that,  hav- 
ing had  a  long  conversation  with  Father  de  Lamberville, 
and  having  likewise  expressed  his  regret  at  being  obliged 
to  present  the  hatchet,  he  persuaded  the  good  Father  to  come 
to  Montreal  to  give  me  an  account  of  what  was  passing; 
and  as  he  desired  nothing  better  than  to  send  off  Father  de 
Lamberville,  of  whose  influence  over  the  minds  of  the  Onon- 
dagas he  was  aware,  he  took  advantage  of  his  absence,  as 
soon  as  he  saw  him  depart,  to  make  some  drunken  Indians 
set  fire  to  the  Father's  chapel  and  house,  which  he  first 
caused  to  be  pillaged." 

Thus,  both  de  Lambervilles  were  victims  of  treacheiy; 
both  were  driven  out  of  their  missions  by  conspicuous  white 
men.  It  is  not  difficult  to  understand  why  it  was  so  hard 
to  convert  the  Indians. 

James,  however,  had  finished  his  work.  He  died  in  the 
following  year.  He  can  be  regarded  as  having  died  at  his 
post.  Charlevoix  calls  him  "  one  of  the  holiest  mission- 
aries of  New  France."  About  the  place  of  his  death  there  is 
a  dispute.  Charlevoix  makes  it  occur  at  Caughnawaga, 
while  Father  Germain,  the  Superior,  says  he  died  in  Mon- 
treal. In  the  Elogia  defunctorum  Prov.  Francise  (Arch. 
Rom.)  we  read  that  "he  was  assiduous  in  crucifying  his 
flesh  and  in  preparing  for  martyrdom.  He  slept  on  the  bare 
ground,  and  passed  whole  nights  in  prayer.  The  Indians 
caUed  him  the  divine  man.  After  his  death  miracles  were 
said  to  have  been  performed  by  touching  articles  which  he 
had  made  use  of." 


311 


JULIEN   GARNIER. 

JULIEN  GARNIER  was  the  Apostle  of  the  Senecas.     He 
was  the  oldest  and  the  youngest  of  the  New  York  mis- 
sionaries.    He  began  his  work  among  the  Indians  when  he 
was  25,  and  kept  at  the  task  for  sixty  years.     He  was  the 
first  Jesuit  priest  ordained  in  Canada.     That  was  in  1666. 

He  was  born  in  France,  January,  6,  1643,  and  at  the  age 
of  seventeen  became  a  Jesuit.  Immediately  after  his  novice- 
ship,  he  was  sent  to  Quebec,  and  after  teaching  grammar  for 
three  years,  studied  theology  under  the  famous  Jerome 
Lalemant,  and  was  ordained  priest  in  1668,  leaving  im- 
mediately afterwards  to  the  Seneca  mission,  where  Father 
Fremin  had  already  established  himself. 

The  Senecas  occupied  the  Genesee  Valley.  Their  ter- 
ritory extended  to  the  lands  of  the  Onondagas  on  the  east, 
and  to  the  Cayugas  on  the  south;  and  all  the  country  west 
to  Niagara;  the  Eries,  or  Cats,  having  been  expelled  in 
1655.  They  had  four  large  villages  which  formed  the 
angles  of  a  square.  They  were  called  Gaosaehgaah,  which 
was  situated  on  what  is  now  Boughton  Hill,  south  of  Vic- 
tor; Deyudihahdo,  about  ten  miles  south  of  Rochester; 
Chinoshageh,  four  miles  southeast  of  Victor;  and  Deon- 
donseh,  five  miles  south  of  Avon  Springs.  The  missionaries 
designated  them  otherwise.  They  were  respectively  Gan- 
nagaro,  or  Gandagaro;  Gandachioragou ;  Gannougare;  and 
Gannounata.  The  first  of  them,  Gannagaro,  contained 
about  150  houses  and  had  a  population  of  about  two  or 
three  thousand,  each  "  long  house  "  containing  from  six  to 
ten  families.  About  four  miles  southeast  of  that  town  was 
Gannougare.  There  most  of  the  Huron  captives  lived. 
The  capital  was  Gandachioragou.  In  that  place  Gamier 
spent  twenty  years  of  his  life.  It  was  a  little  north  of  the 
present  Lima. 

312 


JULIEN   GARNIER. 

Our  best  information  about  the  Senecas,  and,  in  fact, 
about  the  Iroquois  in  general,  comes  to  us  from  Father  Gar- 
nier.  Parkman,  in  his  "  Jesuits  in  North  America,"  says : 
"  None  of  the  old  writers  are  so  satisfactory  as  Lafitau.  His 
work  Mceurs  des  Sawuages  Ameriqudins  Compares  aux 
M&urs  des  Premiers  Temps  relates  chiefly  to  the  Iroquois 
and  Hurons;  the  basis  of  his  account  of  the  former  being 
his  own  observations  and  those  of  Father  Julien  Gar- 
nier,  who  was  a  missionary  among  them  more  than  sixty 
years,  from  his  novitiate  to  his  death."  Lafitau,  himself, 
says  that  he  studied  the  character  and  customs  of  the  In- 
dians, at  Caughnawaga,  for  five  years,  et  j'y  ai  surtout 
profite  des  lumieres  et  des  connaissances  d'  un  ancien  mis- 
sionaire  Jesuite,  le  P.  Julien  Gamier." 

The  Senecas  had,  of  course,  come  in  contact  with  the  mis- 
sionaries before  the  advent  of  Fremin  and  Garnier.  For 
when  Le  Moyne  was  addressing  the  Iroquois  at  Onondaga, 
in  1654,  Seneca  chiefs  were  in  the  assembly.  When  Dab- 
Ion,  in  the  following  year,  descended  the  St.  Lawrence  to 
ask  for  a  colony  on  Lake  Ganentaa,  some  Seneca  sachems 
went  with  him,  and  in  1656,  the  valiant  old  Chaumonot  was 
visiting  their  towns.  But  twenty  years  before  Le  Moyne 
was  holding  tip  his  wampum  belts  in  the  Long  House  at 
Onondaga,  and  thirty-five  years  before  the  arrival  of  Fre- 
min and  Garnier  a  Seneca  brave  was  baptized  in  far-away 
Huronia.  His  acceptance  of  the  faith  was  accompanied  by 
the  most  awful  cruelty.  It  is  the  first  known  conversion  of 
a  New  York  Indian. 

In  1636,  twenty  or  thirty  Iroquois  were  fishing  in  Lake 
Ontario,  when  they  were  attacked  by  a  party  of  Hurons. 
All  escaped,  but  eight.  One  was  killed,  and  his  head  was 
brought  back  as  a  trophy;  the  other  seven  were  distributed 
among  the  various  clans ;  the  Seneca  being  sent  to  the  very 
village  where  Brebeuf  and  his  companions  were  evangeliz- 
ing the  Hurons.  The  captive  was  given  to  a  conspicuous 
chief  as  a  consolation  for  a  brother  who  had  been  killed  in 

313 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

war,  and  he  assuaged  his  grief  by  dooming  his  brother's  sub- 
stitute to  be  burned  to  death.  The  story  of  the  execution  is 
told  by  Father  Le  Mercier,  who  was  an  eye-witness.  It  is 
too  horrible  to  repeat  in  its  entirety,  but  some  extracts  may 
be  given  to  show  the  curious  mixture  of  gentleness  and 
cruelty  which  characterized  the  American  savage  on  such  oc- 
casions. It  will  also  give  an  idea  of  the  kind  of  monsters  the 
missionaries  had  to  deal  with.  It  is  noteworthy  that  one  of  the 
Fathers  who  was  instrumental  in  saving  the  poor  wretch's 
soul  was  the  great  martyr,  Charles  Gamier.  His  namesake, 
Julien  Gamier,  though,  as  far  as  we  know,  not  a  relative, 
was,  thirty-five  years  after  that  dreadful  baptism,  to  begin  a 
twenty-year  apostolate  of  incredible  danger  and  hardship  in 
the  very  town  from  which  the  poor  Indian  came :  Gandachio- 
ragou.  Of  course,  Gamier  was  familiar  with  the  story, 
for  it  was  among  the  first  set  down  in  the  famous 
Relations. 

The  Fathers  naturally  recoiled  from  being  present  at  this 
fiendish  execution,  but  they  overcame  their  dislike  and  de- 
termined to  go,  hoping  that  some  good  might  result. 

"  We  reached  Arontean,"  say  the  Relations,  "  a  little 
before  the  prisoner.  We  saw  him  coming  in  the  distance. 
He  was  singing,  and  was  surrounded  by  30  or  40  savages 
who  were  escorting  him.  He  was  dressed  in  a  beautiful 
beaver  robe,  and  wore  a  string  of  porcelain  beads  around 
his  neck,  and  another  in  the  form  of  a  crown  on  his  head. 
A  great  crowd  was  present  on  his  arrival.  He  was  made 
to  sit  down  at  the  entrance  to  the  village,  and  there  was  a 
struggle  as  to  who  should  make  him  sing.  Up  to  the  hour 
of  his  torment  we  saw  only  acts  of  humanity  exercised 
toward  him,  but  he  had  already  been  roughly  handled  be- 
fore his  capture.  One  of  his  hands  was  badly  bruised  by 
a  stone,  and  one  finger  had  been  violently  torn  out  of  the 
socket.  The  thumb  and  forefinger  of  the  other  hand  had 
been  nearly  taken  off  by  the  blow  of  a  hatchet,  and  the  only 
plaster  he  had  was  some  leaves  bound  with  bark.  The 

314 


JULIEN   GARNIER. 

joints  of  his  arms  were  badly  burned,  and  in  one  of  them 
was  a  deep  cut.  We  approached  to  look  at  him  more 
closely;  he  raised  his  eyes  and  regarded  us  very  attentively, 
but  he  did  not  yet  know  the  happiness  that  heaven  was  pre- 
paring for  him.  Father  Brebeuf  was  invited  to  make  him 
sing,  a  request  which,  of  course,  was  refused,  but  he  spoke 
to  the  captive  of  the  sorrow  we  felt  for  him.  Meanwhile 
they  brought  him  food  from  all  sides — sagamite,  squashes, 
fruits — and  treated  him  only  as  a  brother  and  a  friend. 
From  time  to  time  he  was  commanded  to  sing,  which  he  did 
with  great  strength  of  voice,  although  he  seemed  to  be  more 
than  50  years  old,  and  had  hardly  been  doing  anything  else 
than  singing  since  his  capture.  Then  a  chief  called  out, 
as  if  making  a  proclamation,  like  a  town  crier  in  France, 
and  said :  '  My  nephew ;  thou  hast  good  reason  to  sing,  for 
no  one  is  doing  thee  any  harm ;  behold  thyself  now  among 
thy  kindred  and  friends.'  Good  God!  What  a  compli- 
ment. All  around  him  were  so  many  butchers.  In  all 
the  places  through  which  he  had  passed  they  had  given  him  a 
feast.  Here  they  did  not  fail  in  this  act  of  courtesy ;  for  a 
dog  was  immediately  put  into  the  kettle,  and  before  it  was 
half  cooked  he  was  brought  into  the  cabin  where  the  people 
were  to  gather  for  the  banquet.  He  told  some  one  to  ask 
Father  Superior  to  follow  him  and  to  say  that  he  was  very 
glad  to  see  him.  We  entered,  and  we  placed  ourselves  near 
him,  and  the  Father  began  to  explain  to  him  how  it  was 
possible  to  pass  from  his  present  suffering  to  the  happiness 
of  Paradise.  Father  Gamier  and  I  promised  mentally  to 
offer  our  Masses  for  him.  He  listened  to  our  words  at- 
tentively, was  pleased,  and  repeated  what  we  had  said  and 
expressed  a  great  desire  to  go  to  heaven.  All  around 
listened  to  us,  and  even  helped  out  our  explanations. 

"  But  let  us  return  to  the  feast.  As  soon  as  the  dog  was 
cooked,  they  took  out  a  large  piece  of  it  from  the  pot  and 
put  it  in  his  mouth,  for  he  was  unable  to  use  his  hands.  In 
fact,  his  agony  was  such  that  he  asked  to  go  out  to  take 

315 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

a  little  air.  His  request  was  readily  granted.  His  hands 
were  unwrapped,  and  they  brought  him  water  to  cool  them. 
They  were  half  putrefied  and  all  swarming  with  worms, 
a  stench  arising  from  them  that  was  insupportable.  He 
begged  them  to  take  away  the  worms,  which  were  gnaw- 
ing him  to  the  very  marrow,  and  which  made  him  feel  the 
same  pain,  he  said,  as  if  some  one  had  touched  him  with 
fire.  All  was  done  that  could  be  done  to  relieve  him,  but 
the  worms  would  appear  and  disappear  as  soon  as  we  tried 
to  draw  them  out.  Meanwhile  he  did  not  cease  singing  at 
intervals,  and  the  Indians  continued  to  give  him  something 
to  eat — fruits,  squashes,  and  the  like. 

"  As  the  feast  was  about  to  begin,  the  Fathers  withdrew, 
but  to  their  amazement,  the  prisoner  was  brought  to  their 
cabin,  where  they  began  to  instruct  him,  and  were  not  only 
not  interrupted,  but  listened  to  by  the  Indians  who  thronged 
around.  Christian  truth  has  never  been  preached  in  this 
country  on  so  favorable  an  occasion,  for  there  were  present 
representatives  from  all  the  Huron  tribes.  The  captive  was 
baptized  and  was  called  Joseph. 

"  Then  he  was  taken  to  a  place  some  leagues  off  and  was 
made  to  sing  all  the  way.  We  followed,  and  again  he  was 
brought  to  our  cabin.  He  was  made  to  sing  and  dance  a 
good  part  of  the  night.  Again  there  was  a  chance  for  in- 
struction, and  all  listened.  In  the  morning  the  chief  to 
whom  he  had  been  given  arrived.  Looking  pleasantly  at 
the  prisoner,  he  assured  him  that  he  desired  to  save  his  life, 
but  seeing  him  so  mangled  he  had  determined  to  kill  him, 
as  he  would  be  of  no  use.  '  I  am  sure/  he  said,  '  you 
prefer  death.  Come,  then,  nephew,  be  of  good  courage; 
prepare  thyself  for  the  evening,  and  do  not  be  cast  down.' 
'  How  shall  I  die  ? '  'By  fire,'  was  the  answer.  '  That 
is  well,'  said  the  captive.  While  this  conversation  was 
going  on,  a  woman  brought  him  food.  Her  countenance 
was  sad,  and  tears  streamed  down  her  cheeks.  The  chief 
also  often  put  his  pipe  in  the  prisoner's  mouth;  wiped  off 

316 


JULIEN   GARNIER. 

the  sweat  that  poured  down  his  face  and  cooled  him  with  a 
fan. 

11  Then  came  a  feast,  and  more  singing  and  dancing,  and 
he  was  brought  back  to  the  first  village,  Father  Brebeuf 
keeping  close  to  him,  instructing  and  exhorting  him.  When 
they  arrived  the  sun  was  setting  and  we  withdrew  to  the 
place  where  the  last  act  of  the  cruel  tragedy  was  to  be 
performed.  It  was  in  the  cabin  of  a  great  war-chief,  which 
was  called  '  the  cabin  of  amputated  heads.' 

"  We  took  a  place  where  we  could  be  near  the  victim. 
Towards  8  o'clock,  eleven  fires  were  lighted,  about  three 
feet  from  each  other.  The  people  assembled  immediately; 
the  old  men  on  platforms  on  either  side;  the  young  men 
below,  but  so  crowded  as  to  be  almost  piled  on  top  of  each 
other.  Cries  of  joy  resounded  on  all  sides.  Most  of  the 
Indians  had  firebrands,  for  before  the  victim  was  brought 
in,  the  braves  were  bidden  to  do  their  duty,  because  the 
Sun  and  the  God  of  War  looked  down  on  them.  The  chief 
ordered  them  to  burn  only  his  legs  at  first,  so  that  he  might 
hold  out  till  daybreak,  and  commanded  them  to  give  up  all 
other  amusements. 

"  He  had  hardly  finished  when  the  victim  entered.  I 
leave  you  to  imagine  the  terror  that  seized  him.  The  cries 
redoubled.  He  is  made  to  sit  down  upon  a  mat ;  his  hands 
are  bound ;  then  he  rises  and  makes  the  round  of  the  cabin, 
singing  and  dancing.  No  one  burns  him  this  time.  He 
had  no  sooner  returned  to  his  place  than  the  war-chief  took 
the  victim's  robe  and  said :  '  Oteiondi  will  despoil  him 
of  the  robe  which  I  hold,  and  the  Ataconchronous  will  cut 
off  his  head,  which  will  be  given  to  Ondessoue,  along  with 
one  arm  and  the  liver  to  make  a  feast.' 

"  After  this,  he  began  to  walk  and  run  around  the  fires, 
each  Indian  struggling  to  burn  him  as  he  passed.  Mean- 
while he  shrieked  like  a  lost  soul,  while  the  whole  crowd 
imitated  his  cries,  or  rather  smothered  them  with  their  hor- 
rible shouts.  One  must  be  there  to  see  a  living  picture  of 

317 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

hell.  The  whole  cabin  appeared  as  if  on  fire,  and  athwart 
the  flames  and  the  dense  smoke,  these  savages  crowding 
upon  one  another,  howling  at  the  top  of  their  voices,  with 
firebrands  in  their  hands,  their  eyes  flashing  with  rage  and 
fury,  seemed  like  so  many  demons  who  would  give  no 
respite  to  the  poor  wretch.  They  often  stopped  him  at  one 
end  of  the  cabin ;  some  of  them  taking  his  hands  and  break- 
ing them  by  sheer  force;  others  pierced  his  ears  with  sticks 
which  they  left  in  them;  others  bound  his  wrists  tightly 
with  cords  and  then  pulled  on  them  fiercely.  If  he  made 
the  round  and  paused  to  take  breath,  he  was  made  to  sit 
upon  hot  ashes  and  burning  coals.  We  endured  unutter- 
able pain  in  looking  at  it.  I  was  reduced  to  such  an  ex- 
tremity that  I  could  hardly  nerve  myself  to  look  up. 

"  On  the  seventh  round  his  strength  failed  him,  and  after 
he  had  rested  a  little  while  on  the  embers,  they  tried  to  make 
him  rise,  but  he  did  not  stir,  when  one  of  these  butchers, 
having  applied  a  brand  to  his  loins,  he  was  seized  with  a 
fainting  fit,  and  would  never  have  risen  if  the  young  men 
had  been  permitted  to  have  their  way.  They  were  ordered 
to  cease  tormenting  him,  for  it  was  important  that  he  should 
see  daylight.  They  lifted  him  on  a  mat,  most  of  the  fires 
were  extinguished  and  many  of  the  people  went  away.  They 
tried  to  revive  him,  and  at  the  end  of  an  hour  he  opened  his 
eyes,  and  was  commanded  to  sing.  He  did  so  in  a  broken 
and  almost  dying  voice,  but  finally  he  sang  so  loud  that  he 
could  be  heard  outside  of  the  cabin.  That  brought  the 
young  men  back,  and  they  began  to  treat  him  worse  than 
before. 

"  One  thing,  in  my  opinion,  increased  his  sufferings :  the 
mockery  of  kindliness  and  friendship.  They  scarcely 
burned  him  anywhere  except  on  the  legs.  Some,  in  ap- 
plying the  firebrands,  did  not  desist  until  he  uttered  loud 
cries:  when  he  ceased  shrieking  they  would  begin  again, 
repeating  it  seven  or  eight  times;  holding  the  fire  close  to 
the  flesh  and  blowing  on  it.  Others  would  bind  cords 

318 


JULIEN   GARNIER. 

around  him  and  then  set  them  on  fire.  Some  made  him 
put  his  feet  on  red  hot  hatchets,  and  then  pressed  down  on 
them.  You  could  hear  the  flesh  hiss  and  see  the  smoke  rise 
to  the  roof  of  the  cabin.  One  would  say  to  him,  '  Come, 
uncle,  where  do  you  wish  me  to  burn  you  ? '  and  he  would 
have  to  indicate  a  particular  spot.  '  It  is  not  right.' 
another  would  say,  '  for  my  uncle  to  be  cold ;  I  must  warm 
him.'  Another  would  make  him  a  pair  of  stockings  from 
some  old  rags,  to  ease  his  feet,  and  then  set  them  on  fire,  etc. 

"  Often  we  would  talk  to  the  Indians,  and  they  would 
stop  their  torments,  and  the  victim  himself  would  speak  on 
the  state  of  affairs  in  his  own  country,  doing  it  as  easily 
and  with  as  composed  a  countenance  as  anyone  of  the  as- 
sembly. When  day  dawned  they  lighted  fires  outside  the 
village.  Father  Brebeuf  was  at  his  side  to  encourage  him. 
Then  he  was  made  to  mount  a  scaffold,  six  or  seven  feet 
high,  and  three  savages  ascended  it  with  him  and  tied  him 
to  an  overhanging  tree.  They  began  anew  to  burn  him, 
putting  brands  on  his  eyes;  hanging  hot  hatchets  on  his 
neck,  finally  thrusting  a  torch  down  his  throat.  Then  they 
cut  him  up,  piece  by  piece,  and  finally  struck  off  his  head 
and  tossed  it  to  the  crowd,  where  some  one  caught  it  and 
brought  it  to  the  chief.  The  common  people  devoured  the 
body." 

By  this  terrible  road  did  the  first  Seneca  Indian  enter  the 
Church  and  heaven.  Possibly  the  missionaries  sought  out 
the  poor  man's  family  when  they  entered  the  Seneca  country, 
to  tell  the  tale  of  his  conversion. 

Garnier  was  unusually  young  for  the  dangerous  work  en- 
trusted to  him.  But  evidently  the  Superiors  took  his  meas- 
ure correctly.  In  the  Journal  des  PP.  Jesuites — the  account 
which  the  Minister  of  the  house  keeps  of  current  events — we 
read,  under  March  13,  1668  :  "  Father  Julien  Garnier,  who 
is  not  yet  25  years  of  age,  has  just  been  examined  in  the 
whole  of  Theology,  according  to  the  custom  of  the  Society. 
The  four  examiners  were  Fathers  Lalemant,  Pi j  art,  Dablon, 

319 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

and  Pierron  " — a  board  that  did  not  lack  distinction.  Nine 
days  after  we  rind  the  note  "  Father  Garnier  went  on  a 
mission  to  the  Cote  de  Lauson." 

On  the  21st  of  April,  it  is  recorded  that  "  Father  Mar- 
quette,  two  men  and  a  young  lad,  are  waiting  an  opportunity 
to  go  to  the  Ottawa  country,"  an  item  of  whose  importance 
the  Minister  had  then,  of  course,  no  suspicion.  Right  after 
it  is :  "  Father  Julien  Garnier  and  Charles  Boquet  are 
to  go  to  assist  Father  Bruyas  at  Oneida."  "  On  the  17th 
of  May,  Father  Garnier  left  for  the  Oneida  mission."  The 
record  is  almost  military  in  its  brevity. 

Evidently  Garnier  and  Boquet  went  by  Lake  Champlain 
and  stopped  at  Ossernenon  (Auriesville),  for  they  picked 
up  Bruyas  at  Tionnontoguen,  and  the  three  together  went 
to  the  Oneida  country.  Garnier,  however,  did  not  remain 
long  at  Oneida,  for  in  the  Relations,  of  1666-68,  we  read: 
"  Father  Julien  Garnier,  who  had  gone  up  to  Oneida  last 
summer  in  order  to  work  jointly  with  Father  Bruyas  for  the 
salvation  of  those  tribes,  saw  himself  constrained  by  all 
motives  of  charity  to  devote  himself  to  Onondaga,  which 
is  only  a  short  day's  journey  distant."  This  change  of  base 
by  Garnier  will  explain  why  Bruyas  grew  so  gloomy  when 
Boquet,  although  only  a  trader,  went  back  to  Quebec  and 
took  with  him  the  famous  converts,  Catherine  and  her  hus- 
band. He  then  had  neither  his  associate  nor  his  two  great 
converts ;  and  had  no  one  to  talk  to,  for  he  was  ignorant  of 
Oneida. 

Garnier  was  received  with  enthusiasm  at  Onondaga. 
Garagontie,  the  great  chief,  built  him  a  chapel,  and  a  few 
days  after  went  to  Quebec  and  told  the  Governor  what  he 
had  done  for  the  missionary.  The  Governor  thanked  him, 
officially,  as  a  great  benefactor,  and  treated  him  with  the 
most  distinguished  consideration.  It  was  on  this  occasion 
that  Garagontie  was  solemnly  baptized. 

The  first  consolation  that  Father  Garnier  received  at 
Onondaga  was  one  that  often  rewards  those  who  have  the 

320 


JULIEN   GARNIER. 

care  of  souls.  He  was  for  some  reason  or  another  on  the 
shores  of  Lake  Ontario,  thirty  leagues  from  his  mission 
when  he  stumbled  upon  a  poor  old  Iroquois,  who  was  dying. 
He  was  a  pagan,  but  was  married  to  a  Christian  Huron. 
For  two  years  he  was  scarcely  able  to  hear  or  recognize  any- 
one, but  all  that  time  his  faithful  wife  patiently  nursed  him 
and  prayed  for  him,  and  occasionally,  when  he  could  catch 
her  words,  spoke  to  him  about  the  faith.  "  I  had  re- 
solved," she  said,  to  Father  Gamier,  "  to  travel  fifty  leagues 
to  bring  a  Black  Gown,  and  lo !  you  have  come  unexpectedly 
to  us."  "  For  ten  years,"  writes  Gamier,  "  no  priest  had 
been  there,  and  for  two  years  the  sick  man  had  been  kept 
alive  as  if  by  a  miracle."  Of  course,  the  Father  baptized 
him,  and  the  next  day  the  poor  old  savage  died  in  the  arms 
of  his  loving  wife. 

After  a  while  Father  Millet  arrived  at  Onondaga,  and 
matters  went  well,  though  the  usual  Indian  horrors  were 
always  before  them.  One  of  their  first  experiences  was 
like  that  which  Brebeuf  had  with  the  Seneca  chief  who 
was  burned  near  Lake  Huron,  thirty-five  years  before,  only 
the  victim  of  the  tragedy  at  Onondaga  was  a  poor  woman 
who  was  going  to  be  burned  to  death.  Gamier  led  her  to 
his  little  chapel,  and  instructed  her,  while  "  she  listened 
with  admirable  gentleness  and  presence  of  mind."  The 
account  simply  says :  "  The  woman  came  out  of  the  chapel 
all  filled  with  courage,  and  made  the  people  admire  her  firm- 
ness in  the  midst  of  the  fires  they  had  lighted,  where  he: 
son  had  just  died  a  blessed  death,  having  been  cast  into  the 
flames  on  coming  out  of  baptism."  All  the  details  of  this 
fiendish  act  of  burning  the  mother  and  child  are  omitted. 
In  the  beginning,  these  executions  were  described  minutely, 
but  the  Fathers  had  become  too  accustomed  to  them  now. 
It  was  only  one  of  the  ordinary  events  of  their  life.  Only 
a  few  days  afterwards,  another  poor  squaw  was  treated  in 
the  same  way.  She  was  just  going  up  the  scaffold  to  be 
burned  when  Gamier  arrived.  "  He  had  time  enough/' 
21  321 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

says  the  Relation,  "  to  instruct  and  baptize  her,  and  then 
they  began  that  tragic  execution  which  is  the  delight  of 
those  peoples." 

Such  occurrences  make  up  the  story  of  Garnier's  work  at 
Onondaga,  with,  however,  frequent  reminders  of  the  pre- 
cariousness  of  his  own  existence,  as  when,  for  instance,  an 
Indian,  who  one  day  began  to  sing  that  he  was  going  to 
kill  him,  because  in  a  public  ceremony  the  priest  had  re- 
fused him  something,  was  only  mollified  by  another  savage 
stepping  forward  and  giving  him  some  trifling  present. 

After  a  while  de  Carheil  arrived  at  Onondaga,  and  Gar- 
nier  conducted  him  to  Cayuga,  where  the  great  man  was 
to  labor  so  long  and  unsuccessfully,  among  the  people  whom 
Fremin  describes  as  "  breathing  only  blood  and  brandy." 
Father  de  Carheil  had  the  happiness,  however,  of  baptizing 
a  poor  captive  squaw,  who  went  at  the  same  time  as  he  did 
from  Onondaga  to  Cayuga.  He  saw  her  burned  and  eaten. 
It  was  his  introduction  to  his  flock. 

Seeing  that  comparative  tranquillity  reigned  in  the  var- 
ious stations,  Fremin  determined  to  convoke  all  the  mis- 
sionaries at  Onondaga  to  discuss  their  methods  of  work. 
This  was  the  year  1671.  They  remained  there  for  a  week, 
and  when  the  sessions  were  ended,  he  took  Gamier  with 
him  to  the  Senecas,  for  the  labor  was  increasing  there.  It 
was  near  being  the  end  of  both  of  them.  On  September 
7,  as  "  we  were  calling  at  Gandagaro,  a  drunken  man  seized 
Father  Gamier  with  one  hand  and  raised  the  other  twice  to 
stab  him  with  a  knife,  but  by  good  luck,  a  woman  who 
chanced  to  be  near,  took  the  knife  out  of  his  hand  and  pre- 
vented him  from  carrying  his  brutality  further.  I  admired 
on  this  occasion  the  firmness  and  resoluteness  of  the  Father, 
who  did  not  even  change  color." 

From  this  very  simple  account,  one  would  imagine  that 
Gamier  was  the  only  one  in  danger,  but  we  find  in  Millet's 
letter  from  Onondaga,  that  "  although  the  news  had  come 
that  Father  Gamier  had  been  assassinated,  it  was  only  a 

322 


JULIEN   GARNIER. 

false  alarm  with  regard  to  Gamier,  but  had  lacked  very  little 
of  being  true  in  respect  to  Father  Fremin,  who  was  almost 
killed  by  a  drunken  Indian,  and  for  a  long  time  bore  on  his 
face  the  marks  of  the  Indian's  fury."  There  is  a  bit  of 
psychological  information,  also,  contained  in  this  account, 
for  it  tells  us,  "  the  Onondaga  is  not  as  savage  as  the  Seneca 
when  he  is  drunk.  He  rather  strives  to  caress  you,  and  pro- 
tests that  you  don't  love  him  enough."  "  Three  days  after 
our  arrival,"  says  Fremin,  "  Father  Gamier  took  possession 
of  the  Mission  of  Gandachioragou,  where  there  are  yet  only 
three  or  four  Christians  who  make  public  profession  of  their 
faith.  He  will  have  the  care  of  this  single  village — at  least 
for  this  year — in  order  that  he  may  have  time  to  learn  the 
language  of  the  country  perfectly,  and  make  rules  for  it, 
and  a  dictionary,  so  as  to  be  able  to  teach  others."  Neither 
he  nor  Gamier,  however,  could  have  had  much  work  among 
the  young  men,  who  were  absent,  hunting  and  fighting,  for 
nine  months  of  the  year,  and  prepared  themselves  for  such 
expeditions  by  getting  drunk  one  whole  month  before  they 
set  out. 

Gamier,  however,  continued  patiently  at  his  task.  The 
four  or  five  Christians  whom  he  found  in  his  village  in- 
creased in  numbers,  and  his  little  chapel  was  soon  filled  with 
people,  but  every  now  and  again  the  clouds  would  gather, 
and  the  lonely  missionary  was  sure  that  his  end  had  come. 
His  long  prayers  at  night  evoked  suspicions,  and  an  old 
Cayuga  chief  who  was  visiting  the  Senecas  had  nearly  suc- 
ceeded in  making  them  execute  the  sentence  of  death,  which 
they  had  solemnly  passed  on  him.  Then  came  a  fire,  which 
destroyed  the  village,  and  destroyed  his  chapel,  but  he  set 
to  work  and  rebuilt  it.  Meantime,  the  ever-recurring  orgies 
of  drunkenness  kept  him  in  constant  terror,  though  he  re- 
cords that  only  one  savage,  under  the  influence  of  liquor, 
dared  to  follow  him  into  the  chapel,  which  was  his  usual 
refuge  when  the  village  was  in  a  riot.  But  in  spite  of  all 
this,  he  writes  to  his  Superior :  "  I  have  observed  that  it 

323 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

is  not  so  much  depravity  of  morals  that  prevents  our  savages 
from  being  Christians  as  the  prejudices  they  have  about 
Christianity.  I  know  nearly  200  families  among  them  who 
maintain  inviolate  the  marriage  bond,  and  rear  their  children 
in  morality,  who  keep  their  daughters  from  undue  freedom 
of  intercourse  abroad,  and  from  plunging  into  riots  of 
sensuality,  and  who  would  be  inclined  to  live  very  Christian 
lives  if  they  had  faith." 

In  1673,  Gamier  probably  met  La  Salle,  for  the  first 
time.  Frontenac  had  arrived  as  Governor,  and  La  Salle, 
who  had  been  rather  discredited  under  Courcelles  and  Talon, 
saw  his  opportunity  of  achieving  distinction.  For  some 
time  the  Iroquois  had  been  crossing  Lake  Ontario  for  an 
occasional  fight  with  their  enemies,  but  chiefly  to  divert  the 
fur  trade  of  the  Northwest  to  the  Iroquois  country  and 
down  to  Fort  Orange.  La  Salle  proposed  to  Frontenac  to 
build  a  fort  at  the  mouth  of  the  Cataroqui  River,  to  serve 
as  a  protection  against  the  Iroquois  invasions,  and  to  be 
at  the  same  time  a  trading  post.  Frontenac,  who  had  great 
projects,  but  little  money  to  carry  them  out,  readily 
acquiesced.  But  the  difficulty  was  to  induce  the  Iroquois 
to  consent.  For  that  purpose,  La  Salle  visited  the  mission- 
aries, and  through  their  efforts  succeeded  in  getting  the 
necessary  permission.  If  they  had  foreseen  that  the  ruin 
of  the  missions  was  to  be  brought  about  by  that  fort  they 
would  not  have  been  such  ready  instruments  in  the  hands 
of  La  Salle  and  Frontenac,  who  hated  them  cordially.  Im- 
mediately, La  Salle  began  his  preparations,  and  Fort  Cata- 
roqui, which  he  called  Fort  Frontenac,  rose  from  the  ground 
to  protect  the  colonists  whom  he  succeeded  in  gathering 
around  him.  He,  himself,  received  from  the  King  many  a 
broad  acre  and  the  title  of  Seigneur. 

The  Canadian  historian,  Benj.  Suite,  who  has  no  liking 
for  La  Salle,  thus  describes  the  fort: 

"  To  form  an  idea  of  the  construction  of  1673,  it  is  suf- 
ficient to  say  that  they  dug  a  ditch  on  four  sides  of  a  square, 

324 


JULIEN   GARNIER. 

and  flung  the  dirt  inside  the  square  to  raise  the  level. 
Large  stakes  were  planted  around  this  level  spot,  measur- 
ing 360  feet,  or  90  feet  on  each  face.  Inside  were  the  neces- 
sary buildings  of  the  fort. 

;<  The  cost  of  the  construction  amounted  to  ten  or  twelve 
thousand  francs,  an  amount  which  covered  expense  of  trans- 
portation, food,  etc.  No  one  was  paid  any  wages,  as  they 
were  working  for  the  King.  From  1673  to  1675,  two 
traders  of  Montreal  were  in  possession,  and  had  to  keep  the 
fort  in  good  condition.  They  spent  in  repairs,  etc.,  about 
9,000  francs.  In  1675,  La  Salle  obtained  control  of  it, 
promising  to  reconstruct  it  in  stone,  and  to  keep  20  men  in 
it  for  two  years,  and  afterwards  a  garrison  like  that  at 
Montreal,  and  to  establish  colonists  in  the  neighborhood, 
engaging,  also,  to  pay  10,000  francs  to  the  King  and  9,000 
to  the  two  traders,  he  having  the  monopoly  of  trade  of 
Lake  Ontario  and  further  west,  for  three  years. 

"  In  1677  the  fort  was  completed.  It  was  six  times  larger 
than  the  old  one.  On  the  land  side  the  wall  was  498  feet 
long,  3  feet  thick  and  15  feet  high.  It  was  not  finished  on 
the  water  side  as  late  as  1684." 

La  Salle  pretended  that  the  garrison  cost  him  18,000 
francs  a  year;  and  while  building  the  fort  he  also  under- 
took to  build  vessels  to  navigate  the  lakes,  and  here,  again, 
he  came  across  Gamier.  Cayuga  Creek  was  the  place  chosen 
for  the  shipyard,  and  thither  La  Motte,  his  lieutenant,  and 
the  Friar  Hennepin  betook  themselves  to  get  leave  from  the 
Senecas.  Entering  the  village  of  scowling  and  sullen  In- 
dians, La  Motte  perceived  the  two  Jesuits,  Gamier  and 
Raffeix,  and  instead  of  greeting  them,  rose  up  in  the  coun- 
cil, which  was  convened,  and  demanded  their  expulsion. 
The  insult  was  grievous,  but,  of  course,  was  not  resented, 
as  the  missionaries  were  glad  to  be  out  of  the  way  of  any- 
one connected  with  La  Salle.  Hennepin  relates  that  out  of 
regard  for  the  cloth,  he,  too,  left  the  assembly ;  but  the  good 
friar's  reputation  as  a  story  teller  is  not  of  the  best. 

325 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

The  permission  was  granted,  and  the  vessel,  of  40  or  60 
tons  burthen — it  is  not  sure  which — was  launched  on  Lake 
Erie.  It  was  called  "  The  Griffin,"  because  that  was  the 
device  on  Frontenac's  coat-of-arms,  and,  moreover,  said 
La  Motte,  "  the  Griffin  (Frontenac)  was  going  to  get  ahead 
of  the  crows  (the  Jesuits)."  As  the  Griffin  is  a  feathered 
beast  anything  unmannerly  might  be  expected  of  it.  These 
and  other  ventures  were  ruining  La  Salle.  By  1679,  he 
had  no  money,  and  his  creditors  levied  on  his  store  of 
peltries  in  Fort  Frontenac. 

In  1679,  he  started  west  and  lost  everything.  April  9, 
1682,  he  again  set  out,  and  reached  the  mouth  of  the  Mis- 
sissippi. A  month  later  his  permission  to  trade  expired, 
and  his  patron,  'Frontenac,  was  recalled  to  France.  His 
creditors  immediately  took  possession  of  the  fort,  whose 
dimensions  they  found  La  Salle  had  grossly  exaggerated. 
To  be  as  large  as  he  said  it  was,  it  would  have  to  include 
all  the  structures  outside  the  walls.  There  were  other  mis- 
representations, they  declared,  of  a  similar  nature.  In  1683, 
La  Salle  abandoned  the  fort  and  Governor  de  la  Barre  took 
possession,  putting  in  it  two  traders,  Le  Bert  and  La  Ches- 
naye. 

The  war  which  broke  out  in  1684  was  not  caused  by 
La  Salle,  as  de  la  Barre  feared,  but  by  the  two  traders,  who 
had  ill-treated  some  Senecas.  In  retaliation,  the  Indians 
seized  some  goods  that  were  intended  for  de  la  Barre,  him- 
self, which  may  explain  why  that  worthy  was  so  intent  on 
war.  Possibly  he  would  not  have  been  so  zealous  for  someone 
else's  property.  Thus  the  shadow  of  the  ill-fated  fort  fell 
continually  across  Garnier's  pathway.  His  own  Senecas 
had  brought  on  the  war. 

Gamier  was  unable  to  prevent  hostilities.  A  solemn  con- 
vocation of  military  men  and  ecclesiastics  assembled  at  Que- 
bec and  advised  the  Governor  to  punish  the  Senecas.  In 
vain  Gamier  and  de  Lamberville  pleaded.  They  rep- 
resented that  reparation  could  easily  be  made,  and  that  on 

326 


JULIEN   GARNIER. 

the  other  hand,  war  meant  the  ruin  of  the  missions.  The 
whole  matter  could  be  arbitrated  at  the  Central  Council  of 
Onondaga,  but  de  la  Barre's  mind  was  made  up.  The 
result  is  known.  De  la  Barre  embarked  on  his  foolish  ex- 
pedition, but  never  entered  the  Seneca  country.  He  re- 
turned in  disgrace  to  Quebec,  and  was  replaced  by  Denon- 
ville,  whose  instincts  were  still  more  martial  and  whose 
orders  from  the  Home  Government  were  peremptory.  He 
arrived  at  Cataroqui.  By  that  time  every  missionary  ex- 
cept de  Lamberville  had  been  recalled,  and  that  ended  the 
twenty  years'  labor  of  Garnier  in  New  York.  He  was  not 
present  when  the  French  and  Indian  army  entered  the 
country  which  he  had  striven  so  hard  to  civilize  and  con- 
vert, and  he  did  not  see  the  desolation,  after  Denonville  had 
finished  his  mad  march.  There  were  no  more  Seneca  towns. 
An  account  of  the  invasion  is  found  in  the  Relations.  It  is 
a  letter  to  Monsieur  Cabart  de  Villermont,  who  had  asked 
to  be  informed  "  of  the  success  of  Monsieur,  our  Governor's 
expedition  against  the  Iroquois."  We  read : 

"  When  the  army  was  reviewed  on  an  island  near  Mon- 
treal, it  was  found  to  consist  of  800  men  of  the  regular 
troops,  and  a  like  number  of  militia,  besides  100  Canadians, 
for  the  baggage  and  canoes,  and  a  hundred  others,  form- 
ing a  flying  camp.  About  300  Christian  savages  joined 
the  expedition.  They  started  on  the  llth  of  June,  and  safely 
passed  the  rapids.  Finally,  after  much  fatigue,  and  after 
having  had  rain  and  contrary  winds  nearly  every  day,  they 
reached  Cataroqui.  They  crossed  Lake  Ontario  on  July 
5,  and  arrived  at  Irondequoit,  ten  leagues  from  the  Senecas, 
on  the  10th,  and  were  there  joined  by  three  or  four  hundred 
savages.  Leaving  400  men  at  Irondequoit,  they  began  their 
march  to  the  enemy's  country  on  the  12th.  On  the  13th, 
they  passed  a  dangerous  defile,  and  were  attacked  by  the 
savages.  Astonished  at  first,  they  quickly  repelled  the  foe. 
While  this  was  going  on,  five  or  six  hundred  other  Iro- 
quois endeavored  to  attack  our  men  in  the  rear,  but  de 

327 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

Denonville  directed  such  a  heavy  fire  on  them  that  they 
were  beaten  back  and  fled,  but  as  the  roads  were  bad  and 
the  Indians  ran  like  deer  to  the  woods,  it  was  found  im- 
possible to  pursue  them.  We  had  7  killed  and  20  wounded ; 
the  enemy,  50  killed  and  60  wounded.  The  army  then 
marched  to  the  first  village,  which  it  found  deserted  and 
almost  reduced  to  ashes.  As  our  people  found  no  one  to 
fight  with,  they  set  to  work  to  burn  the  corn  fields  and  what- 
ever provisions  were  stored  away.  We  did  likewise  with 
the  other  villages.  As  it  was  by  this  means  that  Monsieur 
de  Denonville  could  do  most  injury  to  the  Iroquois,  he  de- 
voted every  attention  to  it.  He  also  thought  it  of  the  highest 
importance  to  build  a  fort  at  the  entrance  of  the  Niagara 
River.  As  it  is  only  30  leagues  from  the  Senecas,  it  would 
cause  alarm  to  the  savages.  There  he  left  a  garrison  of 
100  men,  and  then  started  for  Montreal." 

Such  was  the  ridiculous  military  exploit  of  the  new  Gov- 
ernor of  Canada.  It  consisted  in  destroying  cornfields, 
while  it  drove  the  Indians  into  the  hands  of  the  English, 
and  rendered  it  impossible  for  a  priest  to  enter  the  entire 
territory  from  Lake  Erie  to  the  Hudson  for  the  next  13 
years.  A  letter  of  de  Carheil  to  the  successor  of  Denon- 
ville deals  in  the  most  caustic  fashion  with  the  disgrace- 
fulness  of  the  whole  affair,  and  especially  with  the  humil- 
iating attitude  which  the  French  Governor  was  compelled 
to  assume  by  entreating  Dongan  to  call  off  the  Iroquois. 

After  the  disaster  we  find  Gamier  among  the  Indians  of 
Lorette  and  Caughnawaga,  but  he  was  a  failure,  at  least  in 
the  first  place.  Poor  old  Father  Chaumonot  had  lost  his 
hold  upon  his  Indians  as  the  weight  of  age  came  upon 
him,  and  some  one  was  needed  to  restore  the  ancient  dis- 
cipline which  had  reigned  there.  Garnier  was  chosen,  but 
the  man  who  could  rule  the  wild  Senecas  in  their  villages 
was  unsuccessful  among  the  civilized  Indians  of  Lorette, 
and  he  had  to  be  sent  to  labor  elsewhere. 

He  was  absorbed  in  various  employments  until  the  mis- 

328 


JULIEN   GARNIER. 

sions  reopened,  and  in  the  history  of  the  intervening  years 
we  are  almost  surprised  to  find  quoted  in  Rochemonteix, 
a  very  excellent  letter  of  the  rough  old  missionary, 
defending  the  Society  against  the  accusations  of  fur  trad- 
ing. This  particular  charge  appears  to  be  traceable  to  Fron- 
tenac,  who,  if  he  did  not  originate  it,  propagated  it.  He 
was  very  unfriendly  to  the  Society,  and  in  this  instance 
vented  his  spleen  because  Bishop  Laval  had  forbidden  the 
sale  of  liquor  to  the  Indians.  Not  daring  to  attack  the  pre- 
late, he  satisfied  himself  by  assailing  those  "  who  said  noth- 
ing, but  who,  he  was  sure,  had  prompted  the  bishop's  ac- 
tion." 

To  the  charge  of  dealing  in  furs,  Garnier  simply  says : 
"  Yes,  the  missionaries  received  some  peltries  from  the  In- 
dians, just  as  they  did  corn  or  any  other  commodity  by 
which  the  Indians  would  repay  temporal  services  done  to 
them,  and  also  to  contribute  to  the  support  of  the  mission." 
There  was  no  coin,  and  people  paid  in  kind  in  those  days; 
but  as  for  anything  like  trading,  he  indignantly  denied  that 
the  Fathers  ever  descended  to  it. 

No  doubt  he  was  delighted  to  get  out  of  all  the  miserable 
squabbles  which  were  worrying  Quebec  at  that  time,  and 
returned  with  pleasure  to  his  beloved  Senecas.  That  was 
brought  about  when,  on  August  4,  1701,  1,300  Iroquois 
arrived  at  Montreal  and  assented  to  a  treaty  of  peace,  which 
38  of  their  chiefs  signed  with  Callieres,  the  Governor  of 
Canada.  The  Indians  bound  themselves  to  live  at  peace 
with  the  French.  James  de  Lamberville  was  again  at  Onon- 
daga,  and  Garnier  among  the  Senecas,  along  with  Vaillant 
de  Guesles. 

If  we  look  at  the  N.  Y.  Colonial  Documents,  however,  we 
shall  find  that  the  English  at  Albany  and  New  York  were 
worked  up  to  a  religious  fury  by  this  proceeding,  and  availed 
themselves  of  every  means  to  drive  the  missionaries  out. 

Peter,  or  Kwiter  Schuyler  was  particularly  active  and 
persistent  He  began  operations  as  early  as  1703.  He 

329 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

first  convoked  an  assembly  at  Onondaga,  and  then  pro- 
rogued it  to  Albany,  where  in  spite  of  opposition,  Father 
de  Geulis  and  M.  de  Joncaire  forced  themselves  into  the  as- 
sembly, and  brought  all  Schuyler's  fine  schemes  to  naught. 

Not  deterred  by  his  defeat,  however,  he  dared  even  to  ap- 
proach the  Christian  Indians  of  Caughnawaga,  and  suc- 
ceeded in  eliciting  a  promise  from  them  of  remaining 
neutral  in  case  of  war,  but  they  were  soon  won  back  to  their 
old  allegiance.  His  base  trickery  with  regard  to  old  Father 
de  Lamberville  is  known.  He  persuaded  the  priest  to  go 
to  Montreal  to  stop  the  war,  and  then  induced  some  drunken 
savages  to  plunder  the  mission  church  and  house  and  set 
them  on  fire.  When  de  Lamberville  was  out  of  the  way, 
Schuyler  had  no  difficulty  in  persuading  the  Indians  to  dig 
up  the  hatchet.  Father  Garnier's  Senecas,  however,  re- 
mained faithful  to  the  French. 

In  keeping  with  his  usual  methods,  Schuyler  persuaded 
Father  de  Mareuil  that  his  life  was  no  longer  safe,  and  in- 
duced him  to  go  to  Albany,  concealing  the  fact  that  the  Co- 
lonial Government  had,  on  June  29,  issued  an  order  for 
the  priest's  arrest.  Mareuil  was  so  completely  deceived 
that  two  weeks  before,  viz:  June  16,  1709,  he  wrote  to 
Father  d'Heu,  whom  he  supposed  to  be  still  with  the  Sen- 
ecas, to  accept  the  same  offer  from  Schuyler,  but  d'Heu, 
who  was  the  last  one  to  depart,  had  followed  de  Lamber- 
ville and  Gamier,  and  escaped  to  Montreal.  Mareuil  was 
kept  in  custody  in  Albany  until  1710,  when  he  was  ex- 
changed for  two  other  prisoners,  one  of  them  Schuyler's 
nephew.  He  was  well-treated,  however,  and  managed 
meantime  to  visit  New  York  occasionally,  and  was  a  close 
observer  of  the  preparations  that  were  being  made  to  in- 
vade Canada.  Like  a  loyal  Frenchman,  he,  at  great  risk 
to  himself,  informed  the  French  Governor  of  what  was  go- 
ing on  and  warned  him  that  the  first  attack  would  be  made 
at  Chambly. 

His  information  was  correct.  Nicholson  led  an  army  of 

330 


JULIEN   GARNIER. 

4,000  men  towards  that  place,  and  de  Ramezay  was  ready 
to  meet  him,  though  with  a  much  inferior  force,  but  Nichol- 
son never  arrived.  His  treacherous  Iroquois  allies  threw 
a  great  quantity  of  skins  of  slaughtered  animals  into  the 
River  Chicot  and,  it  is  said,  a  thousand  men  who  drank  the 
water  fell  sick  and  died.  De  Mareuil's  prophecy  was  veri- 
fied. When  the  treaty  was  made  with  the  English  at  Onon- 
daga,  he  remarked  that  the  Iroquois  would  not  be  helpful 
as  allies.  The  wily  savages  had  determined  that  neither 
French  nor  English  should  prevail;  but  that  they  would 
stand  between  both.  Poisoning  the  stream  was  an  example 
of  the  methods  adopted. 

When  Garnier  returned  to  Canada  for  the  second  time  he 
was  sixty-seven  years  of  age.  The  rest  of  his  days  were 
spent  with  the  Indians  in  the  various  settlements  along  the 
St.  Lawrence.  He  gave  up  all  active  work  in  1728,  and  died 
at  Quebec  in  1730. 

Of  course,  the  old  missionaries  did  not  desert  their  In- 
dians after  the  churches  were  destroyed.  The  Colonial 
Documents  inform  us  that  they  made  repeated  visits  to  their 
old  homes,  often  disguised  as  Indians.  They  were  a  con- 
tinual worry  to  the  English  authorities,  and  though  the  sav- 
ages made  repeated  promises  to  exclude  all  "  popish  priests," 
they  apparently  had  little  scruple  about  violating  their  agree- 
ment. 

The  struggle,  however,  was  not  yet  over,  even  for  per- 
manent establishments.  In  1720,  the  French  built  a  fort 
at  Niagara,  and  another  at  Crown  Point,  on  Lake  Cham- 
plain,  in  1734.  The  Recollects  were  chaplains  there,  and 
no  doubt  influenced  the  Indians  greatly.  Niagara  did  not 
last  long,  but  Crown  Point  continued  till  1759.  The  list 
of  priests  who  served  this  latter  place  is  to  be  found  in 
Shea's  Catholic  Church  in  Colonial  Times. 

Meantime,  the  famous  Sulpitian  Picquet  had  established  a 
mission  on  the  site  of  the  present  city  of  Ogdensburg,  which 
he  called  La  Presentation.  He  expended  30,000  livres  on 

331 


PIONEER  PRIESTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

the  work,  but  in  1749  the  Mohawks  destroyed  it.  Undis- 
mayed, Picquet  began  again,  and  in  two  years  had  3,000 
Iroquois  living  in  his  colony.  Sir  William  Johnson  tried 
to  persuade  them  to  withdraw,  but  they  refused.  In  1759, 
however,  war  swept  it  out  of  existence.  But  all  was  not 
yet  lost.  Just  before  Picquet' s  work  was  destroyed,  the 
Jesuit  Father  Mark  Anthony  Gordon,  established  the  pres- 
ent Indian  colony  of  St.  Regis,  near  the  Canadian  border. 
At  the  suppression  of  the  Society  it  passed  out  of  the  control 
of  the  Jesuits,  but  still  exists  as  a  mission. 

Meantime,  a  curious  chapter  of  New  York  Catholic  his- 
tory was  beginning.  Sir  William  Johnson,  who  claimed  to 
be  related  to  the  Macdonalds  of  Scotland,  invited  them  to 
come  over  and  settle  near  him  in  the  Mohawk.  The  Mac- 
donalds were  all  Catholics,  and  were,  therefore,  cordially 
hated  by  the  Dutchmen  down  at  Schenectady  and  Albany. 
With  them  was  a  Father  McKenna,  whose  name  has  noth- 
ing Scotch  about  it.  Apart  from  religious  reasons,  prob- 
ably the  highland  dress,  the  independent  swagger  and  the 
handy  dirk,  added  to  the  feelings  of  dislike.  In  fact,  a 
number  of  the  Campbells  had  come  over  in  1720,  and  al- 
though they  were  not  Catholics,  they  found  the  conditions 
so  unpleasant  in  the  valley  that  they  withdrew  to  the  neigh- 
borhood of  Saratoga,  where  they  were  nearly  all  massacred 
by  the  savages;  atoning  thus  for  the  massacre  of  Glencoe, 
in  which  they  had  stained  their  hands  in  the  blood  of  the 
Macdonalds  thirty  years  before. 

The  Macdonalds  continued  to  live  with  Sir  William  John- 
son until  the  Revolution  broke  out.  Being  staunch  Tories, 
they  declared  for  the  King,  and  had  to  surrender  to  General 
Schuyler  in  the  early  spring  of  1776.  But  being  papists  and 
Tories,  they  felt  their  position  unsafe  and  they  abandoned 
their  homes  and  fled  to  Canada.  Unfortunately,  on  their 
way  they  met  the  Catholic  Indians  of  St.  Regis,  who  were 
on  the  American  side  of  the  quarrel,  and  although  they  had 
been  gathered  together  and  Christianized  by  a  Gordon,  they 

332 


JULIEN    GARNIER. 

did  not  spare  the  Scotch  fugitives.  Those  who  escaped 
starvation  or  the  tomahawk  reached  Montreal  with  Father 
McKenna,  where  the  Jesuits  took  care  of  them.  The  Mac- 
donalds  are  now  at  Glengarry,  and  as  they  look  across  the 
river  they  can  see  St.  Regis,  the  home  of  the  Catholic  In- 
dians who  waylaid  them  in  their  flight. 

By  this  time,  says  Gilmary  Shea,  "  the  Church  in  the 
northern  part  of  the  United  States,  where  the  French  flag 
had  floated,  was  in  a  pitiable  state.  The  Indian  Catholics 
in  New  York,  Maine,  and  Ohio,  along  with  the  few  French 
lingering  near  them,  were  without  a  single  priest  or  any- 
thing worthy  the  name  of  a  church.  The  work  of  all  the 
years  from  the  visit  of  Fathers  Jogues  was  recorded  rather 
in  the  graves  of  the  Faithful  Departed  than  in  the  living 
children  of  the  Church  and  their  pastors." 

Was  it  a  failure?  Possibly  it  was,  though  the  blame 
should  be  put  where  it  belongs.  On  the  other  hand,  may 
not  the  marvellous  growth  of  the  Church  in  New  York 
State  have  some  connection  with  the  heroism  of  its  first 
priests  ? 


333 


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